Thursday, February 11, 2016

List of Withheld JFK Records Annotated


First Series of Documents of the Still Withheld Group - 13 Documents –

RECORD NUMBER TITLE  TO FROM  CEATED DATE  AGENCY FILE NUMBER ORIGINATOR RECORD SERIES REVIEW DATE # OF PAGES CLASSIFY COMMENTS  
1) 178-10004-10424 (b) (1)        05/01/197 CAR/HARDY JEWELS 1  CIA   SUBJECT FILE  08/16/1993  17 P.   Secret Sanitized Attached to 1781000410421

2) 178-10004-10395 STURGIS TAPES, 4/4/75    04/4/1975    ROCKCOM O-R (Ill-D) FRANK STURGIS TESTIMONY/TAPES ROCK ASASSINATOION FILE   08/13/1993 10 p Top Secret Transcript (#1781000210372) marked classified.
3)      178-10004-10394 MC ILVAIN TAPE (DUPLICATE)   00/00/1975 ROCKCOM A-III (c) interview Tapes ROCK  ASSASSINATION FILE 08/13/1993 5 (PAGES) Unclassified No transcript Date Unknown Two dictabelt envelope


[BK Notes: Library o Congress Manuscript Division: U.S. COmisison on CIA Activiites within the United States p. 13 - Box CL 5 File IV(Z)4 McILvain, Judd, 1975

4)      178-10004-10383 TAPE OF ROBERT MC NAMARA AND GENERAL TAYLOR


5)      178-10004-10392 TAPE OF MR. WILLIAM K. HARVEY’S INTRERVIEW, 4/10/75

6)      178-10004-10391 TAPE OF INTERVIEW OF COLONEL SHEFFIELD EDWARDS APRIL 9, 1975

7)      178-10004-10390  (b) (1)


8)      178-10004-10389 TAPES OF INTERVIEW W/WILL WILSON 5/15/75

9)      178-10004-10388 (b) (1)


10)  178-10004-10387 (b) (1)

11)  178-10004-10386 TAPE OF CONVERSATION WITH MC GEORGE BUNDY, APRIL 8, 1975 (W/BELIN)


12)  178-10004-10215 CASTRO     BUCHEN, PHILIP 08/07/1975 MATHENY DAVID BELIN’S SUMMARY REPORT WH ROCKEFELLER COMMISSION

13)  178-10004-10196        CURTIS, E.G. 01/13/1961 DAVIS SSC-TRUJILLO ASSASSINATION, CUBA, CHILI DOS GENERAL SUBJECT FILE 08/10/1993 7  Top Secret Detailed me(mo?) Whiting, Will Gray, et al.


 Second Series – 104

104-10010-10249 ACCESS RESTRICTED    04/21/1964 CIA 201-289246 WC JFK  06/25/1993 7 pages Unclassified OSW15:V56B 1993.06.25.18:01:030250: THIS ITEM HAS BEEN WITHDRAWN BECAUSE IT CONTAINS SECURITY CLASSIFIED INFO OR OTHERWISE RESTRICTED INFO. DRAFT MEMO  FOR THE RECORD
104-10013-10277 WITHHELD 01/01/1964 CIA 201-2889248  CIA JFK 06/29/1993 1 page Unclasssified  OSW17:V3 1993.06.29.09:19:02:840800: THIS DOCMENT WAS PART OF THE NAME FOLDER ENCLOSURE TO RECORD NUM 111100001100007. PUBLIC DISCLOSURE OF THIS RECORD IS POSTPONED PEDING REVIEW BY THE ASSASSINATIONS RECORDS REVIE BOARD. DOCUMENT IN NOFORN




Judd McIlvain - TV Reporter Subject of Secret JFK File

Image result for Judd McIlvain


Of the first three documents among the list of those JFK Assassination records still withheld is: 
178-10004-10394 McIlvain Tape 75' Rock (Duplicate) that refers to TV reporter Judd McIlvain, who attended the University of Missouri School of Journalism and Columbia, served in the US Army Reserves, specialized in Central American stories, was known as the "Troubleshooter," and recently passed away. 

Here are some tributes to him from the Hollywood Reporter, LA Times and UM, that may give some insight into what he could of known and said during his interview with the Rockefeller Commission concerning the assassination of President Kennedy that is so sensitive that it must still be kept secret from the public. 

Judd McIlvain, Former Consumer Advocate for KCBS-TV, Dies at 73


He was known for his popular "Troubleshooter" reports, which came to the aid of the underdog.
Judd McIlvain, the investigative reporter and consumer advocate for KCBS-TV known for his "Troubleshooter" reports, died March 9 at his home in Woodland Hills, his family announced. He was 73.
McIlvain worked at the Los Angeles station for 10 years starting in 1988. Concurrently, he worked on the network’s 48 Hours news program with Dan Rather and later reported for ABC's 20/20. 

He came up with the Troubleshooter brand at Fox’s network news division, where he started in 1986.
Earlier, the broadcast journalist worked for KHOU-TV in Houston as an assignment editor and general reporter and created the investigative series "The McIlvain Files." 

At age 12, McIlvain wrote, produced and hosted Children's Digest, a kids' talk show for a local TV station in Bloomington, Ill. Three years later, he served as a radio disc jockey in Columbia, Mo., and went on produce a show,TV Dance Party, in Jefferson City, Mo.

After earning a journalism degree at Columbia University in New York, he traveled independently to Central America, where he sent war stories back to the U.S. for ABC News and United Press International.
His honors included two local Emmys, eight Golden Mikes, four Los Angeles Press Club honors and Texas’ top prize for investigative reporting, the Headliners Award. After leaving CBS, he continued to help consumers through an Internet TV show. 

Survivors include his wife of 47 years, Herlinda, children Marisol, Aaron and Sean, brother Gary and sister Carolyne.

A memorial service will be held from 6-9 p.m. on Wednesday at Malinow Silverman Chapel, 7366 Osage Ave., Los Angeles. Donations for the purpose of continuing his fight against elder abuse can be made payable to The Troubleshooter Foundation and sent to 23448 Bessemer St., Woodland Hills, CA 91367.

JUDD MCILVAIN   LA Times


February 3, 1942 - March 9, 2015 Judd McIlvain, distinguished CBS and Fox News journalist and investigative reporter, champion of truth and advocate for the underdog, passed away at his home in Woodland Hills, California. He was 73 years old.

To the millions of followers over his storied career, he'll always be remembered as TroubleShooter Judd. Judd was half of the dynamic Herlinda and Judd team whose marriage spanned 47 years. They met in Moline, Illinois, and in 1967 moved to Houston, Texas, where they raised their two sons and daughter. He often spoke with touching pride and love about his wife's support that enabled him to be out in the world, fulfilling his purpose here on earth.

He adored his family. Judd's first experience in television was in Bloomington, Illinois, when, at age 12, he convinced the local TV station that a kids' TV talk show would be a big hit. He wrote, produced, and hosted Children's Digest and sold it to the sponsors. His family didn't even own a TV in 1954 and had to buy one just to watch Judd on his first show. His first radio appearance came at age 15, when he served as a disk jockey on broadcasts from KBIA and KFRU radio stations in Columbia, Missouri. At 17, while producing his TV Dance Party in Jefferson City, he bucked the Ku Klux Klan and local officials who tried to prevent him from hosting African American youths on a white dance show in the 1950s. Judd prevailed.

He joined the National Guard after high school and went on active duty with the U.S. Army. serving as a military police officer and becoming one of the youngest to reach the rank of sergeant. He served four more years in reserves while working part-time in radio and TV news and earned his bachelor of journalism degree at Columbia University. A reporter in search of stories, he traveled independently to Central America where he wired war stories back to the U.S. ABC News signed him, as did United Press International (UPI).

One of his favorite stories was about his escape from a Venezuela jail after being arrested for photographing the secret police beating demonstrators at the dictator Peres Jimenez's trial. For 18 years, Judd worked for KHOU-TV in Houston as the assignment editor, general reporter, and investigative reporter, later creating the investigative series The McIlvain Files. In 1986 Rupert Murdoch brought him to the Fox network news division in Los Angeles, where he developed The Troubleshooter. In 1988 Judd moved The Troubleshooter to CBS-2 for 10 years and while there developed The Troubleshooter Show. Concurrently, he worked on the CBS 48 Hours program with Dan Rather and later with Geraldo Rivera on ABC's 20/20. He set legal precedent in a landmark Texas Supreme Court case, McIlvain vs. Jacobs, which established the definition of "substantial truth" in libel law for many years. During his "retirement" he continued to dedicate himself to helping victims of crime and fraud through his web TV show. 

TroubleShooterJudd.com was viewed by millions all over the world, and he got calls for help from the Caribbean islands, Canada, Mexico, Europe, Africa, and across the United States. Judd never missed an opportunity to advocate for the needy and abused, appear at charity events, or counsel a student. His style was so congenial that almost everyone he contacted cooperated with him. Judd never gave up. His journalistic awards include two Emmys, eight Golden Mikes, four Los Angeles Press Club awards, and Texas' highest award for investigative reporting, the Headliners Award.

Judd is survived by his wife, Herlinda; daughter Marisol McIlvain Sagheb; sons Aaron and Sean McIlvain; brother Gary McIlvain, wife Val, and daughters Morgan and Felicia; and sister Carolyne Culotti and her daughter Christi and husband Hal. He is also survived by his beloved parents-in-law, Dolores and Fidencio Barajas. Judd was predeceased by his parents, Gaylord and Martha McIlvain. He also has many aunts, uncles, cousins, and other extended family who celebrate his life and is survived by thousands of colleagues, fans, and friends who have had their lives enriched in one way or another because of knowing him. Memorial service is tentatively scheduled for Wednesday, March 18, from 6 PM to 9 PM at Malinow Silverman Chapel, 7366 Osage Ave., Los Angeles (800-710-7100). Confirmation will be posted on Judd's web site at www.TroubleShooterJudd.com and on Facebook. Donations for the purpose of continuing Judd's fight against elder abuse can be made payable to The Troubleshooter Foundation and sent to 23448 Bessemer St., Woodland Hills, CA 91367.

Published in the Los Angeles Times from Mar. 13 to Mar. 15, 2015

University of Missouri School of Journalism 

JUDD MCILVAIN
Radio, Television, Internet Broadcaster
Degree(s):  BJ '65
Emphasis:   Radio-Television Journalism

Judd McIlvain's award-winning career as a radio and television journalist spanned five decades before his passing in March 2015. He was known as a hard-driving investigative reporter for major stations in Houston and Los Angeles. McIlvain also dedicated his talents to fighting for consumer rights. The following Profile in Success was first published in 2011.

An Early Start in Broadcasting

Judd McIlvain, BJ ’65, has been in radio and TV for 45 years. He was first on TV when he was 12 years old and hosted a show called “Children’s Digest.” The show, sponsored by Blue Star Potato Chips of Chicago was 15 minutes long on WBLN-TV in Bloomington, Ill. McIlvain did radio shows as a disc jockey in Columbia, Mo., at radio stations KBIA and KFRU when he was 15 and 16 years of age.

Judd McIlvain, BJ ’65, hosts the television show “Dance Party” on KRCG in Jefferson City, Mo.
At 17, he produced and hosted a television show called “Dance Party” at the Jefferson City, Mo., KRCG-TV station. Teenagers from area schools would come to the studios each week and dance to rock ‘n’ roll on television. The show was sponsored by Pepsi Cola and was 90 minutes long.

McIlvain was the first TV producer to fight for African-American teenagers to dance on a so-called white TV show and win. A week later, the Ku Klux Klan showed up at the studios and demanded that the white teenagers not dance on the show if black teenagers were permitted to dance. It was 1959, and the white kids danced with white kids and the black kids danced with black kids, but for some members of the community, that was too much integration. Pepsi did not give in and cancel the show, and it continued until the end of the 13-week contract. However, McIlvain had to have one show with black dancers and one show with white dancers. Therefore, on the black show, he was the first white host of a black dance party TV show. After the 13-week contract, and many protests from the Klan, the show was not renewed.

After high school McIlvain joined the National Guard and immediately went on active duty with the U.S. Army. He graduated as a military police officer, served out his active duty and then returned to serve four years active reserve. McIlvain was one of the youngest military police to reach the rank of sergeant.
He worked part time in radio and TV news reporting when he went to the University of Missouri School of Journalism. During his college studies, McIlvain studied a summer semester in Monterrey, Mexico, where he learned Spanish.

A Career in Television and Radio

After getting his Bachelor of Journalism (BJ) in 1965, McIlvain headed for Central America to be a freelance news reporter. If there was a riot or a small war, he was there covering it and trying to find customers in the United States who would take his stories. McIlvain did some live feeds for ABC News from the riots in Panama City in 1965. He was paid $20 per radio story. While working for United Press International (UPI), McIlvain was arrested in Venezuela for taking pictures of the secret police beating demonstrators and of the trial of dictator Perez Jimenez. McIlvain was released on bond, and UPI’s bureau chief suggested it would be a great idea for him to flee the country because the penalty he was facing was six years in jail. McIlvain took the advice and was out of Venezuela the next morning. He has not been back since.

McIlvain has worked at eight different TV stations throughout the country.

He worked at the CBS-TV affiliate in Houston for 18 years. He was the assignment editor/ producer, general reporter and investigative reporter.

In 1986, Rupert Murdoch, the owner of FOX-TV, brought McIlvain to Los Angeles, Calif., to be the Troubleshooter on the FOX station, KTTV.

In 1988, he was hired by KCBS-TV in Los Angeles and moved his Troubleshooter operation to CBS, where he worked for 10 years.

McIlvain has done stories on CBS’ 48 Hours with Dan Rather, with whom he worked in Houston, Texas, in the late 1960s. McIlvain also helped produce stories for Geraldo Rivera at ABC’s 20/20. He was often on Geraldo’s syndicated show until the fighting and chair throwing began.

McIlvain has won two L.A. Emmys, eight Golden Mikes and four L.A. Press Club awards for outstanding TV reporting. One was for outstanding reporting during the Los Angeles riots. He also received Texas’ highest award for investigative reporting, the Headliners Award.

McIlvain now has a website, www.troubleshooterjudd.com, and he also hosts an Internet consumer action radio talk show on www.adviceradio.com.

McIlvain and his wife Linda have been married for 40 years and have three children, Aaron, Sean and Marisol. They live in Woodland Hills, Calif.

J-School Reunion Under Gunfire
By Judd McIlvain, BJ ’65

It was one of those cold January mornings in Columbia, Mo., when you cannot see the sun, and the sky looks like it will be producing snow at any moment. The temperature was about 38 degrees, and there was a prediction of possible snow, if a front that was moving on Kansas City continued on to Columbia.
I was standing outside of Neff Hall on Ninth Street, saying to myself, “Is that all there is?” I was graduating from the J-School at midterm in January 1965, and it had just been explained to me that there would be no ceremony or even a certificate until June. A nice clerk wished me congratulations saying, “You now have a BJ degree from the University of Missouri,” and then she quickly took a phone call.

So here I stood on Ninth Street, the strollway in Columbia, a BJ graduate with no job and no one to tell that I had finally made it through J-School. I walked across the street to the Heidelberg Inn to get some hot coffee and think about the fact that I now had a BJ, and I was a journalist without a job.

I was sitting at the bar that was empty, with the exception of the bartender who was setting up for the day. In walked another student who sat on a stool near me. I decided I had to tell someone I had finally graduated from J-School. So I introduced myself and told this complete stranger that I was now a grad. He was surprised and said, “You are not going to believe this, but I just graduated and got my BJ today at midterm.” His name was Carlos, and he was from Venezuela. We had never met during all our time in J-School.
I said, “Let me buy you a drink,” so we toasted our joint graduation from the University of Missouri. He told me he was going home to Caracas, Venezuela, to work for an English language newspaper there. I told him I was headed to Central America to start my career as a foreign correspondent, but I did not have a job yet. 

He wished me luck, and I wished him luck, and I left the Heidelberg to walk to my car.

During that cold walk, I kept thinking of what Dr. Edward Lambert, the head of the Radio and TV Department at J-School, had told me. He had counseled me to forget the idea of heading for Central and South America to work as a foreign correspondent and take a job at a small radio station in Southern Missouri to get experience. Well, I cashed in a small insurance policy, took my $500 and headed for Central America by train.

Now, flash forward two-and-a-half months, and I was working part time for United Press International in Caracas, Venezuela. When I arrived in Caracas I was broke, and I made the rounds of news operations to see if I could get a job. Reuters had an opening for a reporter, and since I spoke both English and Spanish and had a BJ degree, I thought I would have it made. But the people at Reuters said they only hired reporters who spoke at least five languages. I didn’t know anyone in the country who spoke five languages. 

By the way, they never did find a reporter who spoke five languages, and they ended up closing the news bureau. Finally I got four hours of work each day at UPI, translating Spanish news stories into English for the afternoon New York feed. UPI also used me on photo assignments, and I was paid $25 per picture that they used on the wire. One morning I was sent to a small demonstration and possible riot in downtown 
Caracas.

Of course, I was hoping it would be a big riot so that I could get several pictures that UPI would buy for the New York wire and I would made $25 each. I was extremely poor at the time, and I needed the money just to eat. (Small sidebar: I found a little hot dog stand near the UPI bureau, and they sold good hot dogs for 12 cents. This stand was my lunch and dinner wagon – that is, until a kid told me that the hot dogs were really made out of dog meat.)

At the small riot, I was right up front in the crowd to get good pictures of the cops and the protesting people. There was a construction site on two corners, and the crowd had the cops surrounded. The rioters started throwing bricks and concrete from the construction sites at the cops. I was shooting picture after picture until the cops pulled out their guns and started shooting directly into the crowd where I was standing. It was a stampede of people. You could hear bullets whistling down the cannons of tall buildings. There were also the screams of the wounded.

Being a U.S. Military veteran, I was running a zigzag path trying to keep from being hit. I was looking for quick cover so I could continue shooting pictures. There was a bobtail truck with a lift on the tailgate that was raised, so I ducked under it for cover. About a minute later, another man ducked under the lift, and the bullets were still whizzing by the truck. I looked at him, and he looked at me with a surprised expression. I said, “Aren’t you the guy I bought a drink for at the Heidelberg across from J-School about two months ago?” He said, “Yes, I’m Carlos.” (This was a real WOW journalism moment!) Thousands of miles from Columbia, Mo., and months since our toast at the Heidelberg Inn, we were both working journalists and ducked under the same truck for cover.

Now, who says J-School grads never get together after they leave Columbia? I never saw Carlos again, and within two weeks I was arrested by Venezuela’s federal police for taking pictures of another demonstration. The government cancelled my work permit and charged me with being an illegal alien working in Venezuela. I was released that evening to UPI, and the bureau chief suggested I flee the country. I did, with the police one step behind me.


Those are the facts, Dr. Lambert, just the facts, and I know this would not have happened in southern Missouri. However, I did escape from Venezuela. That’s a story for another day, but thank goodness for a U.S. oil industry family who hid me from the police.

Thursday, February 4, 2016

Framing RFK for his Brother's Murder

The Framing of RFK for His Brother’s Murder

By William Kelly (billkelly3@gmail.com)


RFK with Enrique (Harry) Ruiz-Williams  ( Enrique (Harry) Ruiz-Williams )       


To blame Bobby Kennedy for the murder of his brother seems ludicrous at first, but on closer examination such allegations have been made, and while the evidence is flimsy, it appears the intent to blackmail Bobby was established before the murder and made a part of the pre-planned plot to kill the president.

Rather than the act of a deranged madman, the Dealey Plaza Operation was a very well planned and successfully executed covert intelligence operation, one that was designed to shield those responsible.
As Frederick P. Hitz notes in “The Great Game – the Myths and Realities of Espionage” (Vintage, Random House, 2004): 

“Covert action (CA), or what the British term special operations, largely involves human agents, but is action-oriented as opposed to information-oriented.. Covert action may be as simple as disseminating unattributable or black propaganda, or as big and complex as coup plotting, assassination planning, sabotage, or waging guerrilla war. The principle feature that distinguishes covert action is that the hand of the perpetrator is intended NOT to show. U.S. intelligence invented the seemingly benign term ‘plausible deniability.’” 

The psych-war Northwoods twist built into the Dealey Plaza operation consisted not only the framing of Lee Harvey Oswald as the designated patsy and pinning the blame for the murder on the tail of Fidel Castro, a black propaganda operation that continues today, but an even more deeper and intricate aspect of the plan tried to implicate RFK along with the anti-Castro Cubans who were trained and assigned to kill Castro.

A plot is a few guys sitting around concocting a conspiracy to do something, while a plan is a more detailed outline of a proposed action.

The official version of events as proposed by the Warren Commission holds that there was no plot but there may have been a plan for what happened at Dealey Plaza, albeit one that was limited to the mind of Oswald, just as he had a plan to shoot General Walker.

Valkyrie was not a plot among a few military officers, it was a detailed plan that was years in the making, one that evolved over time and included not dozens but hundreds of co-conspirators, and was conducted as a covert military operation given the code name Valkyrie.



As Bill Simpich does, if we consider what happened at Dealey Plaza an operation – a covert intelligence operation, then it was designed to hide the actual perpetrators and also had a code name, one said by disinformationists to have been called Operation Zipper, but I prefer to simply call it the Dealey Plaza Operation.

If the Valkyrie plan to kill Hitler was studied in detail to be applied against Castro, as the Higgins Memo suggests, and that was the plan that was the specific CIA plan to kill Castro that was redirected to kill JFK at Dealey Plaza, then certain aspects of the Valkyrie plan were used, including getting the victim to sign off and approve the operation. To Hitler the Valkyrie plan was an official military contingency plan to put down a revolt of the 12 million foreign slave laborers in Germany. In adapting that plan to be used in Cuba JFK would be asked to approve certain covert operations against Castro, operational plans that would backfire against him.

Another aspect of the Valkyrie plan that was apparently adapted to be used against Castro, and was used against JFK, was to blame the assassination of Castro on a communist, a Russian or someone with a Russian background, someone like Oswald who could get into Cuba and could fire a rifle.

With the Big Switch on, and the target changed from Castro to JFK, this aspect of the plan attempted to get JFK, RFK and the Special Group Augumented of the National Security Council to sign off and approve the covert operation that would be used at Dealey Plaza. This was done on two levels, - one through official channels and the other socially. Officially it was done by including assassination missions like Pathfinder among the violent terrorist attacks against industrial sites that were being approved by the SGA, as long as American involvement could be plausibly denied.




On the social level RFK met privately at JMWAVE and Florida safe houses with some high level CIA officers involved in the assassination planning such as William Harvey, Desmond FitzGerald, Ted Shackley, Gordon Campbell and David Morales.

William Harvey handed over his sidearm pistol to the secret service agent at the door of the Oval Office when JFK asked to meet “America’s James Bond,” but RFK and Harvey didn’t see eye to eye, especially during the Cuban Missile Crisis when RFK ordered all CIA covert ops against Cuba to cease, and Harvey announced that he had already sent in a team that couldn’t be recalled.

Then RFK visited the CIA offices where the Cuban operations were planned and began poking around, reading a cable that had just come across the wire when Harvey pulled it out of his hands telling the Attorney General and head of the Special Group that he wasn’t cleared to read it.

So it was no surprise when Harvey was replaced by Kennedy loyalist Desmond Fitzgerald, a close family friend and reputed cousin whose mother leased Glen Ora, the rural Virginia estate to JFK and where, it was suggested that RFK plotted with FitzGerald to kill Castro.

It was FitzGerald who RFK continually harassed to ratchet up the anti-Castro operations, it was FitzGerald who ran AMLASH (Cubella) and it was FitzGerald who briefed the Joint Chiefs of Staff on Cuban operations and a week before the assassination, briefed JFK and the National Security Council on those same operations.

RFK also met with some of the Bay of Pigs veterans he had rescued from Castro’s prisons, like Ruis Williams, whose Cuban delegation, when they were in Washington D.C., were put up at the historic Willard Hotel, where there was a reported sighting of Oswald handing out Fair Play for Cuba Committee literature, just as he did in New Orleans.

According to Army Ranger Captain Bradley Ayers, who was assigned to the CIA to train the Cubans, RFK visited Cuban operatives in Florida on at least two occasions, one at a cocktail mixer at a safe house on a golf course, where he was introduced to Ayers as well as a number of ranking JMWAVE officials and case officers. According to Ayers RFK was also flown in by helicopter to a remote training base in the Everglades where he met some of the anti-Castro Cuban commandos being trained for maritime infiltration missions to Cuba, some of which included snipers and high powered sniper rifles with scopes.

These meetings could be attributed to RFK’s hands-on administrative approach as the self-appointed chairman of the Special Group Augmented of the National Security Council, but that can’t be said of the fleeting documentary trail, beginning with the first published reports that Oswald had taken the pot shot at right wing General Edwin Walker on April 10, 1963.

This report first surfaced in an obscure German magazine and was subsequently picked up and expanded upon and sensationalized in the National Enquirer supermarket tabloid, as detailed in Jochem Joestine in his response to the Warren Report’s dismissal of various conspiracy theories.



These reports claim that Oswald and Ruby were arrested by the Dallas police for their involvement in the Walker shooting, but a letter personally written by Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, presumably to Dallas Police chief Jesse Curry, let them off.

To some this may seem ludicrous, but others believed it, including those who knew that RFK was 
responsible for some of the violent covert operations against Cuba, possibly even assassination attempts. And getting such information or disinformation into print takes some journalistic maneuvering, not beyond the reach of the CIA’s operation MOCKINGBIRD.

Now if that was the only certified disinformation ploy that was used to implicate RFK in the Dealey Plaza operation it could be dismissed, but there are others, including the Homme Report, as it was reported by Martin and Lewis. That’s Jack Martin (aka Scruggs) and his sidekick Dave Lewis, both pals of Oswald from the New Orleans contingent, who also claimed that there was a “Letter of Marque” from RFK that implicated him in the CIA plots to kill Castro and the death of his own brother. They also wrote about the Homme Report, supposedly an official Congressional committee report that verified RFK’s complicity in the plots.

The most sensational of the reports of RFK’s role in his brother’s murder comes from John Roselli, whose lawyer leaked details to Jack Anderson in 1967 and published in the Washington Carousel column that was syndicated to hundreds of newspapers.

Then there are the more contemporary versions of the same story, as presented by Gus Russo, whose luncheons with high level CIA officers betray his status as a media asset, whose books “Brothers in Arms” and “Live by the Sword” are venomous in their attempts to link RFK to the plots to kill Castro. Confirming Russo's disinformation is the subsequent and blatant propaganda film by German “documentary” film maker Wilfried Huismann, reputedly based on Russo’s “research.”

The framing of RFK for his brother’s murder by getting his approval for assassination attacks against Castro that backfired and killed JFK has been downplayed of late, but the disinformation ploy to blame the assassination on Castro is a psych war operation that is still in full swing, as exhibited by the recent works of former CIA officer Brian Lettell and former New York Times reporter Phil Shenon.  

JFKcountercoup: The Second Plot - The Original Cover Story

Of course some of the documentary records will be cleaned up befire the remaining records are released under the JFK Act in October 2017, but some of the missing pieces of the puzzle can be recovered, such as the Homme Report and possibly the alleged “Letter of Marque.”

In any case it is quite clear at this point in time, as both Peter Dale Scott and John Newman have clearly demonstrated, that Oswald was framed for the crime as the designated patsy, that Castro was to be blamed for the murder was incorporated into the plan before the assassination, and that RFK was neutralized from legally responding to the actual perpetrators by an additional psych war ploy that implicated him with the anti-Castro Cubans who were involved in the mechanics of the Dealey Plaza operation.

These aspects of the plan that resulted in the death of JFK make it quite clear that what happened at Dealey Plaza was not the result of a deranged loner or a renegade group but the work of a very sophisticated plan similar to the Valkyrie plot to kill Hitler, except that while the German plot failed the Dealey Plaza operation succeeded.



BRADLEY AYERS ON RFK AT COMMANDO TRAINING BASE:

In The Zenith Secret (VoxPop 2006, p. 86), Bradley E. Ayers wrote:

...Speeding westward along Tamiami Trail I thought about how unusual it was for Rudy to get excited about anything that was really important. As the acting chief of training, he should have gone to this meeting, buthe had deferred to me. It seemed odd, as did all the secrecy. When I asked the young driver where we were going, he replied that the trip would take slightly more than an hour; we were going to a meeting place in the Everglades. He didn’t elaborate.

We pulled into a truck stop at the junction of Tamiami Trail and Highway 27, and another man – a women who I’d never seen before – checked the license of the car and climbed in. No one spoke as we drove down the long, slightly traveled highway and eventually turned onto a dirt road bordered by a canal. After about a mile, the driver pulled over. An airboat was waiting in the canal, and in moments we were noisily skimmed across the saw grass as dusk settled over the glades. I wasn’t surprised since long ago I learned to expect the unexpected from the agency.

After nearly 30 minutes of travel across the open swampland and deep canals, we turned under some overhanging trees and pulled up to a small dock behind another airboat. A sign on one of the rotting timbers read: “Waloos Glades Hunting Camp – No Tresspassing.” It was nearly dark, but I could see two helicopters parked in the shadows. One was a military Bell H-13 with the identification numbers taped over. The other was a civilian chopper with the name of a West Palm Beach air service on the tail rotor boom.

We walked to the fire and a young man handed us cups of coffee. I had never seen any of the men before. Soon the door to one of the Quonsets swung open and four men emerged. As they moved into the circle of firelight I recognized Gordon Campbell. I had seen him only a few times since my brief meeting with him, but had been impressed with his polished, slightly flamboyant executive manner. I caught my breath at the appearance of the second man. It was the attorney general, Robert Kennedy.

The four men talked in low voices for a few minutes, and then the attorney general came over and shook hands with each of us, wishing us good luck and God’s speed on our mission.

Hell, I didn’t even know what my mission was. His white teeth flashed and sparkled, and I felt a strange sense of strength and resolve when he grasped my hand. Then he hand one of the Cubans went to the civilian helicopter, and in minutes it took off. Now I understand the need for extra secrecy. If the president felt strongly enough to send his brother, something very big was being planned.

When the helicopter was gone, the deputy chief of station came over…

As we walked to one of the Quonsets, he said, “The reason we’ve got you here and the reason for all this secrecy is that we just got the green light from upstairs to go ahead on some of the mission we’ve been planning for some time.”

We entered the Quonset. It was brightly illuminated by several Coleman lanterns, and there were charts, maps, and other papers on a table in the center of the room. Campbell closed the door behind us and turned to face me.

“We’re very pleased with the way you’ve handled the training setup for the station so far, and we’ve made that known to your people at the Pentagon. We know it hasn’t been easy for your and your family...You’ll be happy to know that the Special Group has finally given us permission to use two-man submarines to strike Castro’s ships in the harbors. Some of your UDT people will be involved in that. And next week Rip’s boys are going to Eglin for parachute training so an airborne commando raid may not be far off. But right now we’ve got a go-ahead to hit one of the major oil refineries from on the island. All we’ve got to do is get a commando force in shape to do the job.”

So, the Special Group had finally put his interest in big business second to national interest. The president and his brother were tough, smart politicians: the elections were getting closer.

“We want you to take a commando force of 12 men and give them six weeks of the toughest, most realistic training you can...”

He pointed to a spot on the marine chart in front of him: the southern tip of Elliot Key...the Elliot Key Safehouse...There were other more abstract questions that remained prominent in my thoughts. What about the anti-Kennedy atmosphere that prevailed, essentially in the Operations Branch under Dave Morales at JM/WAVE, and among some of the contract agents and Cuban exiles in Miami? What about Rosselli and his organized crime connections? I knew that the Kennedy Justice Department had declared war on the Mafia and that Bobby Kennedy was personally orchestrating the battle against mob kingpins. It seemed so odd to me this was going on at the same time that Rosselli had carte blanche access to JM/WAVE and enjoyed a close relationship with Morales and the station hierarchy...



Wednesday, February 3, 2016

Pathfinder Plan to Kill Castro

PATHFINDER
or
PAJNFINDER

NPIC - JMWAVE Personnel Interviews

Handwritten notes transcribed by Bill Kelly (April 14 2015)

Your comments appreciated before I post this - Does it say they kept the PAJN-PATHFINDER File in the JMWAVE NPIC "Area" - where they accessed it?

Memo for the Record
Secret Sensitive

21 March 1975

1. On 19 March Dino A. Brugioni, chief, Western Geographic division had told him that while serving at JMWAVE, Miami, Florida or in the Image Analysis Service in Washington during the 1960's they had heard references to assassination plans on Fidel Castro.

2. On 20 March, I met the following NPIC personnel who had either served in the imagery analysis services or at JMWAVE on Cuban related problems:....The purpose of the meeting was to ascertain whether their participation was related to case officer generated materials or bonafide operations.

3. There appeared to be two plans involving Fidel Castro and/or incidents involving Fidel, to the knowledge of our people, were:

(a) A folder, stored in the Photo Interpretation ["Section" crossed out ] Area at JMWAVE contained materials related to a plan to assassinate Castro in the Bay of Pigs Resort area where he maintained a yacht and was known to vacation.

The plan, possibly with the code word PAJNFINDER [or PATHFINDER] apparently had been disapproved and not under active consideration at the time. Our people did not participate actively in the plan in any regard.

(b) While assigned to the Imagery Analysis Service, a number of our photo interpreters supported Carl Jenkins of the DD/P concerning a plan to assassinate Castro at the DuPont Veradero Estate, east of Havana. Castro was known to frequent the estate and the plan was to use a high powered rifle in the attempt. The photo interpreter support was restricted to providing annotated photographs and line drawings of the estate. To our knowledge this plan was never implemented


Testimony of Thomas Blanton of NSA


Statement of Thomas Blanton
Director, National Security Archive, George Washington University

Before the United States Senate Committee on the Judiciary
Hearing on “Ensuring an Informed Citizenry: Examining the Administration’s Efforts to Improve Open Government”


Dirksen Senate Office Building, Room 226, Washington D.C.
 Wednesday, May 6, 2015

Mr. Chairman, distinguished members of the Committee: thank you very much for your invitation to testify today about open government and the Freedom of Information Act. My name is Tom Blanton and I am the director of the independent non-governmental National Security Archive, based at the George Washington University.

At the Archive, we are veterans of more than 50,000 Freedom of Information requests that have changed the way history is written and even how policy is decided. Our White House e-mail lawsuits against every President from Reagan to Obama saved hundreds of millions of messages, and set a standard for digital preservation that the rest of the government has never yet achieved, as we know from the State Department. The Archive has won prizes and recognition ranging from the James Madison Award that Senator Cornyn deservedly received this year from the American Library Association – joining Senator Leahy in excellent company – to the Emmy Award for news and documentary research, to the George Polk Award for “piercing self-serving veils of government secrecy.”

This year we completed our 14th government-wide audit of agency FOIA performance, with more recommendations like the ones this Committee included in the landmark Cornyn-Leahy amendments in 2007 and again last year with the excellent FOIA reform bill this Committee passed unanimously through the Senate. My statement today addresses each of these areas of open government performance, and the lack thereof.

But first, I want to say that it is an honor to be here today on this panel with the general counsel of the Associated Press. Not only was the AP one of the founders of the now-ten-year-old Sunshine Week, the AP consistently ranks among the most systematic and effective users of the Freedom of Information Act. I am especially grateful to the AP for taking on the number-crunching task of making sense of agency annual reports on FOIA, and providing a common-sense analysis that parts ways significantly from the official spin. The White House proudly repeats Justice Department talking points claiming a 91% release rate under FOIA. But the AP headline reads, “US sets new record for denying, censoring government files.” Who is right? The AP is.

The Justice Department number includes only final processed requests. This statistic leaves out nine of the 11 reasons that the government turns down requests so they never reach final processing. Those reasons include claiming “no records,” “fee-related reasons,” and referrals to another agency. Counting those real-world agency responses, the actual release rate across the government comes in at between 50 and 60%.

In the National Security Archive’s experience, most agency claims of “no records” are actually an agency error, deliberate or inadvertent. I say deliberate because the FBI, for example, for years kept a single index to search when a FOIA request came in, even though that index listed only a fraction of the FBI’s records. But the FBI could say with a straight face, we conducted a full search of our central index, and found no records, and the requesters would go away. Only when we called them on their abysmally high rate (65%!) of no-records responses (most agencies were averaging closer to 10%), did the FBI change their process.

I say inadvertent because FOIA officers may not know where the documents are, and most often the requester doesn’t either. This is why dialogue between the agency and the requester is vital, why a negotiating process where the agency explains its records and the requester in return narrows her request, makes the most sense. This is why the Office of Government Information Services is so important, to mediate that dialogue, to bring institutional memory to bear, and to report independently to Congress about what is going on. This is why the original Freedom of Information Act back in 1966 started with the requirement that agencies publish their rules, their manuals, their organization descriptions, their policies, and their released records for inspection and copying. This kind of pro-active disclosure is essential, and our most recent audit showed “most agencies are falling short on mandate for online records.”

I’ll come back to that point, but let me first give you some of the big picture, since you are examining this administration’s overall performance on open government. The tenth anniversary of Sunshine Week this spring prompted some tough questions: are we doing better than when we started that Week 10 years ago, or worse, or holding our own? As with so many multiple-choice questions, the answer is probably “all of the above,” but I would also argue, mostly better – partly cloudy. My daddy of course once shoveled four inches of partly cloudy off the front steps, so we have a ways to go.

I would say for starters that many of the battles are very different today. For instance, our E-FOIA Audit of 2007, looking at the ten years of implementation after Congress passed the E-FOIA in 1996, found that only one of five federal agencies obeyed the law, posting online the required guidance, indexes, filing instructions, and contact information. Our agency-by-agency audit found that the FOIA phone listed on the Web site for one Air Force component rang in the maternity ward on a base hospital!

Now I would say almost all agencies have checked those boxes of the online basic information and the public liaison, not least because this Committee took the initiative with the 2007 FOIA amendments to put into the law the requirements for designated Chief FOIA Officers and FOIA public contacts, as well as reporting requirements, the ombuds office, and other progressive provisions.

The biggest shortcoming today, besides the endemic delays in response and the growing backlogs that the AP has so starkly reported, is that so few federal agencies (67 out of over 165 covered by our latest FOIA Audit) do the routine online posting of released FOIA documents that E-FOIA intended. We released these results for Sunshine Week this year, and I recommend for your browsing the wonderful color-coded chart we published rating the agencies from green to yellow to red, with direct links to each of the online reading rooms, or the site where they should be but aren’t. This was a terrific investigative project by the Archive’s FOIA project director Nate Jones and associate director Lauren Harper. The headline from their work is, nearly 20 years after Congress passed the E-FOIA, only 40% of agencies obey the intent of the law, which was to use the new technologies to put FOIA documents online, and reduce the processing burden on the agencies and on the public.

The fact of endemic delays and growing backlogs makes proactive disclosure even more important. As I’ve argued before, the zero-sum setting of FOIA processing in a real world of limited government budgets means that any new request we file actually slows down the next request anybody else files. Not to mention our own older requests slowing down our new ones, especially if they apply to multiple records systems. The only way out of this resource trap is to ensure that agencies post online whatever they are releasing, with few exceptions for personal privacy requests and the like. When taxpayers are spending money to process FOIA requests, the results should become public, and since agencies rarely count how often a record may be requested, requirements like “must be requested three times or more” just do not make sense.

There should be a presumption of online posting for released records, with narrow exceptions. I have found in many of the classes I teach that if sources are not online, for this younger generation, they simply do not exist. Many examples of agency leadership – posting online the Challenger space shuttle disaster records or the Deep Water Horizon investigation documents, for example – have proven that doing so both reduces the FOIA burden and dramatically informs the public.

Our audit this year found 17 out of 165 agencies that are real E-Stars, which disproves all the agency complaints how it’s just not possible to put their released records online. You can see the detailed listing of agencies in the charts, and there’s no difference in terms of funding or resources or FTEs or any other excuse between the E-Stars and the E-Delinquents – the difference is leadership. And oversight. And outside pressure. And internal will.

The complaint we hear the most against online posting is about the disabilities laws, that making records “508-compliant” is too burdensome and costs too much for agencies actually to populate those mandated online reading rooms. In fact, all government records created nowadays are already 508-compliant, and widely-available tools like Adobe Acrobat automatically handle the task for older records with a few clicks. The E-Stars dealt with the problem easily. Complaining about 508-compliance is an excuse, not a real barrier.


Since the State Department comes in for so much deserved grief on FOIA and records management, I need to point out that here, State’s performance on online posting is one of the very best. As an E-Star, State’s online reading room is robust, easily searchable, and uploaded quarterly with released documents – which allows requesters a useful window of time with a deadline to publish their scoops before everybody gets to see the product. State accomplished this excellent online performance using current dollars, no new appropriations. State’s FOIA personnel deserve our congratulations for this achievement. When Secretary Clinton’s e-mails finally get through the department’s review (which should not take long, since none are classified), State’s online reading room will provide a real public service for reading those e-mails.