Wednesday, May 29, 2019

Fort Hood Intelligence Unit at Dealey Plaza


MR. MARWELL: Mr. Steve Osborn.
CHAIRMAN TUNHEIM: Good afternoon, Mr. Osborn.

MR. OSBORN: Good afternoon.

I, too, appreciate the opportunity to address the Board today and appreciate the time you are spending going to the public for information. One of the theories of the assassination revolves around the possibility that there may have been some involvement by persons with experience in the U.S. intelligence community.

In my study and research of the assassination I have discovered and investigated supporting information of the presence of an intelligence unit of the U.S. Army having been present and on assignment in Dealey Plaza just before, during and immediately after the assassination. To the best of my knowledge, information on this unit has not been released publicly.

In 1992, as the fury of the public resulted in the proposed legislation which created your Board, I came across an individual who claimed to have been very near Dealey Plaza during the assassination. Now, as a researcher, you can understand that this immediately caught my attention, and I began to question this gentleman about the experience.

Now before I tell you the entire story, I want you to know that I had a difficult time believing his story the more and more I thought about it. Even though I had personal experience with some of the devices and the techniques that this group used, I was still very skeptical, as you may be also. But with further investigation I convinced myself that it technically could have been accomplished, and I think you will be similarly so impressed about the possibility when we are finished.

The gentleman I spoke with proceeded to tell me he was in the Army Station in Fort Hood, in Clean, Texas. On the day of the assassination his group, a communications group, was assigned the task of observing and videotaping the presidential motorcade as it moved through the Plaza. This unit had no similar assignment in any other Texas city during the President's visit, and they were only to tape that portion of the motorcade as it proceeded through Dealey Plaza.

Now if this event actually occurred, if it actually happened, it makes their activity highly suspicious and adds new questions to the assassination, particularly with reference to the possible foreknowledge of the assassination of intelligence personnel.

In my conversations with this gentleman, I asked questions of a technical nature trying to discovery how their assignment was accomplished. After discovering that the camera signals were transported by wireless means back to the control studio, which was actually a semi-tractor-trailer, I found myself doubting that this type of equipment was available in 1963.

I knew that ham radio operators have been sending television signals easily for a number of years, and I had also participated in that hobby. I also knew that videotaping was still in its infant years in 1963. I started to research available equipment to see if this story had any possibility of being true.

I have another handout that I would like to give you. Now that we know that equipment existed in 1963, and I can tell you a little bit about the equipment, if you would like, in the question and answer, I can relate his entire story, the following information was obtained over approximately three separate conversations with this individual. I had extracted a verbal consent to get his story on videotape, like any good researcher would, but when the time came for doing so, his attitude on the matter had completely reversed and I am only left today with the recollection, you know, the notes that I had taken from the conversation and the subsequent information by my independent investigation.

This military communications group had several cameras stationed around the Plaza. The signals from the cameras were sent back to a semi-tractor-trailer acting as a mobile studio parked a short distance from the Plaza. Each camera had a preview monitor and videotape machine associated with it inside the trailer recording the view of each camera. There was no sound recorded in this assignment.

Each videotape position had a single person responsible for its proper operation. Each position these men occupied was shielded from the others so that they could only see the preview for their individual camera. Each man saw the assassination occur from a different perspective of their monitors.

About 15 minutes after the assassination, a group of men appeared who identified themselves as FBI agents. These agents seized all the equipment used to videotape the motorcade. Each man was put on a bus which had been summoned to the scene and they were all driven back to their base. Upon their arrival, they were simply told to forget it.

Finding that there was equipment available in 1963 that would do this made it easier for me to accept the story I have just related to you. Several things have made me believe that this group was an intelligence unit.
First, the gentleman would not give me the name of his unit.

Secondly, this individual advised me that his 201 file was inaccessible.

Thirdly, he offered his opinion as pertaining to the reason his group was sent there, which would probably have been in line with the responsibility of an intelligence unit.

Fourth, having reflected on his story and what I have what I have additionally discovered, I am impressed that he realizes that he probably said more things to me than he should have revealed. At one point, he mentioned to me that he was allowed by a letter from the military to discuss some things in relation to his duties on the day of the assassination, but I believe he probably went further than he was allowed.

All these things collectively make me believe that this unit in Dealey Plaza was an intelligence unit. Still, one important step in my investigation was to find some additional evidence that the event occurred. You should know that there is some possible photographic evidence of this communication group being in Dealey Plaza that day, and I would be happy to provide you with further information on that if time allows at the end of my presentation.

Some requested things I would like to see the Board do, obviously what was recorded on this videotapes would be of invaluable aid to a serious study of the assassination, as well as cast more suspicion on the intelligence community. An attempt should be made by the Board to locate the tapes and request that another government agency attempt to get the exact electrical format determined and a video machine constructed to bring their images to view. Duplication to modern day formats would then make the tapes available publicly.

So far as locating the videotapes are concerned, the Dallas Field Office of the FBI and the Bureau Headquarters may have information or be in possession of the tapes. If there remains an estate of the late J. Edgar Hoover, they may have some information or be in possession of the tapes themselves.

If the men who seized the tapes were not real FBI agents, then CIA, military intelligence and other splinter groups of the intelligence community should be checked. Also, I would inquire of Mr. E. Howard Hunt, if he is still alive, as to his knowledge of the tapes and their subsequent disposition. There exists a possibility that he may even have them in his possession.

Regarding locations where you might find documents supporting this activity, I would suggest beginning with the records at Fort Hood. 

I would not be familiar with other depositories of documents, and you will probably have to use some of your existing source to hopefully lead you in the correct directions.

There seems to be a problem of gag orders that I would like to address also, and the fact that this individual I had interviewed had received notification that he did not have to continue to keep certain things confidential is further indication that there continue to be individuals who continue are under an obligation of confidentiality.

I believe this brings up an interesting problem for the Board. There appear to have been several instances of this happening to individuals required by military order or other Executive Branch order not to discuss any details of what they know of the assassination or its subsequent investigations, perhaps even the Board members itself have been required to sign promises of confidentiality.

Since these individuals do not have the permission of disclosure, many have not written of their experiences or granted interviews to members of the media or the research community to record their recollection. This will give history an incomplete record of this tragic event as well as making this information unavailable to the Board for review and release.

Therefore, I believe and propose that the Board consider asking the President of the United States as Commander and Chief to rescind any and all standing orders issued from any Department or part of the U.S. Government requiring the confidentiality of the information retained by these individuals, whether that knowledge is in written or memory form. If our government is really serious about full disclosure of all facts surrounding the assassination, he will rescind these orders, prevent them from being renewed and allow a complete compilation of personal records and recollections. This will allow the Review Board to further fulfill and properly perform its congressionally mandated task.

Additionally, as distasteful and wild as the thought is that the American intelligence community could be involved in such an event, I hope the Board will keep an open mind as you sift through the records. Your work may be the last official attempt to bring to the light of day this dark deed, so it is vital for you to question everything you find.

Remember, if any intelligence personnel were involved, it is their profession and they are very adept at covering up any evidence of their involvement in any activity. I mean, would we as citizens expect anything else of them? In any operation that U.S. intelligence personnel are involved in, we the citizens would expect them to be able to complete their missions with expert precision. We would expect that they would be able to cover up their involvement as an agency and our involvement as a nation if the nature of the task so dictated. We would expect them to have thought of every possible snag in an operation and work to make their mission completely successful.

I have spoken with individuals involved in intelligence work or who have known persons who were, and they have indicated that the intelligence community could basically do anything they wanted, and we have had some recent indications of that, of this, in the form of millions of dollars spent on building projects unknown to Congress.

Be this right or wrong, we as citizens should have a great amount of respect for and suspicion of the power that these individuals and agencies wield in our world. Please keep this in mind as you ponder the information brought to your attention in whatever form it is presented.

Finally, I would like to make a comment in relation to the Board's mandate. One of the problems that certain individuals in our government have had with the idea of releasing all the assassination records is that to do so may compromise methods employed by the various intelligence agencies in their covert activities. At first glance, we may take this to mean that it may make it difficult for them to use these techniques in the future if they are made known to the general public, but I would encourage the Board to consider that it may be that many of these covert methods were used to carry out the assassination of President Kennedy, whether by Americans or some other government.

I have found considerable circumstantial evidence of more than a few intelligence techniques used in the assassination that may not be generally known. But if this assassination was accomplished by Americans from the intelligence community, they have not only betrayed the citizenry of this country by taking from them their President, but they have betrayed their agencies and the U.S. public by making it necessary to uncover and publicly expose their methods in order to bring satisfaction to the American people in this matter. This betrayal of their agencies alone makes them no better than Mr. Ames of recent history.

I again thank you for your time.

CHAIRMAN TUNHEIM: Thank you very much.
Questions?
Go ahead, Dr. Joyce.

MR. JOYCE: Mr. Osborn, in your testimony you indicated that information you had gathered from a subsequent independent investigation helped you in forming your conclusion that there was an intelligence unit in Dealey Plaza. Is there any documentary information that you have been able to acquire as part of your subsequent investigation?

MR. OSBORN: I have not made any attempts at that because I believe the story so thoroughly. I felt that if I were to make any attempts to confirm any of this or search for the tapes that those things might be destroyed, because these tapes -- if you would like to discuss the photographic evidence, there is one that would probably show a shooter behind the stockade fence, so I did not want these materials because of something that I did to end up disappearing. However, your mandate and your sources are much better than anything that I could ever do.

DR. HALL: Mr. Chairman, with that in mind, I would like to pose to you a set of questions, if I may, and you can cut me off if I get too long-winded here, as I am sure you will. Who are you?

MR. OSBORN: I am a citizen of the United States. I have not had any type of military experience, so I probably approach this a little bit differently as a citizen that would like to know what my government has been up to or persons within my government have been up to, why I can't know, why it has been hushed up so much.

I have been researching for approximately the last 15 years, not quite, and have mostly focused my investigation on identifying the man who fired the fatal head shot. These other things have just come about because of various digging and this is one of the things that I hope to use to be able to further identify that individual.

DR. HALL: I am wondering, Mr. Chairman, for the record, we could ask Mr. Osborn to provide us with a biographical statement, if that would be acceptable to you.
Can you provide us with the name of the individual with whom you spoke?

MR. OSBORN: Because I feel that he may have violated military orders, I believe that he thought that he had originally been saying things he could, and then the way that he froze up -- in fact, I have had several individuals that have done that, I feel that he may be guilty of some sort of violation. If the President were to rescind all those orders, I would be happy to provide his name. At this point, because of the way that he did not really want to be involved any more in the discussions, I feel incumbent upon myself for his personal privacy not to reveal that.

DR. HALL: Did he ever provide to you any written information or did you take any notes arising out of your conversations with this individual?

MR. OSBORN: The only thing that I really did was, from the conversations that we had, I prepared a list of questions, because I do have a technical background, I have been in electronics since I was 14, ham radio, and television, and most recently personal communications, and so I was very interested in the technical aspects of this because I doubted in my senses that this could be done in 1963.

If you would look at the cameras, this is a fully transistorized camera. It comes with a backpack transmitter so that you don't have to have a cable going back to a videotape recorder, and this device was available in 1962 by a company that regularly supplied the military with all kinds of camera equipment and, as I also indicated, there is some photographic evidence that exists that may possibly show one of these individuals. If you would like a summation of that, I am prepared to do that.

DR. HALL: If you will document it, that would be helpful.
You also indicate on page 5 that he had mentioned to you that he was allowed by a letter from the military to discuss some things in relation to his duties on the day of the assassination. Now it would obviously be in the interest of the Board, since you purport that a connection exists between this individual, the military establishment, and the assassination, to be able to know the name of that individual so that it would be possible to try to secure whatever copy of a letter may have existed that would have been written to him by the military.

MR. OSBORN: I will -- what I will do, sir, is, I will probably seek some counsel on that to ensure that I, myself, do not get into a situation here that may make me liable for something, and I will be glad to consider that for you.

I was going to, let me go on record saying, I was going to ask that individual for that document in the videotaped session, but because he cut everything off, I was not able to actually view that document. So I had to just go from my recollection as I made my notes as to what the individual had.

DR. HALL: One final question for you, if I may, Mr. Osborn, would your view be that this Commission or this Board, rather, excuse me, should undertake to disclose the names, identities of both living as well as deceased informants, agents, and intelligence operatives of the United States Government?

MR. OSBORN: That certainly is a gray area, and the problem with dealing -- if we are dealing with the intelligence community here in this time, they certainly have at their disposal, shall we say, executive privilege, and the rules are a little bit different when dealing with these type of people because they can claim national security.

I think national security a lot of times can mean more than one thing. It can mean security of our nation from its people being held in arms over something that the government or people within the government have done, so I think they really use the term national security quite widely, and I would fully expect that if there were individuals from the intelligence community involved that they would do everything in their power, like I had mentioned before, they are very adept at covering up. So that is a gray area because we don't know if these persons were really involved, and they may be saying that these are operatives that we can't afford to let their names go. So we have to -- it is going to have to be analyzed.

I used to think that it would be nice to have been a member of this Board, after hearing what is going on today, I think I am kind of glad it is you.

DR. HALL: Would it be fair to say that any effort to pursue the line of inquiry that you have set out would turn directly on an evidentiary and documentary basis on being able to know the name of the individual, and inasmuch as you have indicated that that person is known to you by name, there is some responsibility here, I would think, to be able to assist the Board in this matter in a significant way.

DR. GRAFF: I would like to ask this question with respect to the letter that this young man received saying what he could say about his activities. Was this a cover that he was being given, was this a story that was being laid upon him so that he would have an answer when people asked what are you doing?

MR. OSBORN: I don't believe so. I believe this had been received by him a number of years later.
DR. GRAFF: I see, I misunderstood that.
MR. OSBORN: Yes, this was a number of years later that these things were no longer -- that certain things, and I never got into the exact details. I just assumed that the things that he was telling me were things that I could know. So I am sorry, I am not clear exactly what that letter said, or if it even still exists.

DR. GRAFF: I see.
CHAIRMAN TUNHEIM: Anything further?
[No response.]
CHAIRMAN TUNHEIM: Thank you, Mr. Osborn.
The public hearing will stand in recess until promptly the hour of 2:00 p.m., and we will return and reconvene at that time.
Thank you very much.

[Whereupon, at 12:45 p.m., the hearing was recessed, to reconvene at 2:00 p.m., this same day.]

John Simkin on Bernardo De Torres

John Simkin on Bernardo De Torres

Bernardo De Torres was born in Havana, Cuba, in 1934. He moved to the United States in 1955 and later worked as a private investigator in Miami. De Torres was a strong opponent of Fidel Castro and during the Bay of Pigs Operation was Chief of Intelligence for Brigade 2506 where he worked under David Sanchez Morales. During the invasion he was captured and was held in captivity until 24th December, 1962. On his release he joined his brother Carlos in Miami.

According to his daughter: "He (De Torres) was already working with the CIA against him (Castro) in 1959. After he came back from the invasion he was in critical condition for a of couple months. He was shot in the back of his head beneath his cerebellum and the bullet broke into five pieces. He went under surgery and had four of those pieces removed. One had to stay because it was too close to an area that if accidentally harmed could make him paralyzed."

In 1963 De Torres resumed work as a private investigator. According to Gerry P. Hemming De Torres worked for Charles Siragusa, who was involved in foreign assassinations. Hemming had established Interpen (Intercontinental Penetration Force) and De Torres became associated with several of Hemming's Interpen members, including Loran Hall, Roy Hargraves, William Seymour, Lawrence Howard, Steve Wilson, Howard K. Davis, Edwin Collins, James Arthur Lewis and Dennis Harber.

Tom Bethell, who worked for New Orleans district attorney Jim Garrison, interviewed Hemming about Interpen and he claimed that in 1963 there were "numerous teams with paramilitary inclinations out to 'get' Kennedy. Some of these teams had been approached by wealthy entrepreneurs of the H. L. Hunt type, (though not, I think, in fact H. L. Hunt) who were interested in seeing the job done and even provided financial assistance." After the assassination of John F. Kennedy, members of these teams "have been returning to their sponsors, taking credit for the assassination, and at the same time requesting large additional sums of money so that they won't be tempted to talk about it to anyone. In turn, the sponsors have apparently been hiring Mafia figures to rid themselves of these blackmailers."

Odio later told the FBI and the Warren Commission that on 25th September, 1963, while living in Dallas, she received a visit from three men who claimed they were from New Orleans. Two of the men, Leopoldo and Angel, were Cubans, said they were members of JURE. The third man, who they named as Leon Oswald, was introduced as an American sympathizer who was willing to take part in the assassination of Fidel Castro. After she told them that she was unwilling to get involved in any criminal activity, the three men left. Odio later identified Leon as Lee Harvey Oswald.

The following day Leopoldo called her on the telephone. He told her it was his idea to introduce the American into the underground "because he is great, he is kind of nuts". Leopoldo also said that the American had been in the marine corps and was an excellent shot, and that the American said the Cubans "don't have any guts because President Kennedy should have been assassinated after the Bay of Pigs, and some Cubans should have done that, because he was the one that was holding the freedom of Cuba actually."

A report carried out by the FBI suggested that the three men may have been members of Interpen (Loran Hall, William Seymour and Lawrence Howard). Hall admitted they "had gone to the apartment of a Cuban woman who lived in a garden style apartment located on Magellan Circle in Dallas... and said that he could not picture this woman in his mind now. He said that her name was possibly Odio. He said that he seemed to recognize this woman's name as Odio because of the association with the name of the Cuban professor who had the same name."

Angelo Murgado was another member of the anti-Castro Cubans who was associated with Bernardo De Torres. He was a member of a group led by Manuel Artime. In August 1963, Murgado and Artime had a meeting with Robert F. Kennedy. Murgado warned the attorney general about the behaviour of some anti-Castro Cubans: "I told him that we have to keep a sharp look on those Cubans. I was afraid that one of our guys would go crazy... The same way that a lot of people are trying to hit Castro, there are a lot of people trying to hit the president of the United States... We have a lot of crazy sons of bitches and they're willing to pull anything."

Joan Mellen, has carried out extensive research into the Odio incident. She claims that in an interview with Angelo Murgado she claimed he was "Angel" and "Leopoldo" was Bernardo de Torres. In an article published in 2005 she claimed that "Bernardo de Torres, who testified before the HSCA with immunity granted to him by the C.I.A., so that he was not questioned about the period of time leading up to the Kennedy assassination, as the C.I.A. instructed the Committee on what it could and could not ask this witness. Both the Warren Commission and the HSCA buried the anti-Castro theme, and never explored what Bobby (Kennedy) might have known."


Bernardo De Torres was born in HavanaCuba, in 1934. He moved to the United States in 1955 and later worked as a private investigator in Miami. De Torres was a strong opponent of Fidel Castro and during the Bay of Pigs Operation was Chief of Intelligence for Brigade 2506 where he worked under David Sanchez Morales. During the invasion he was captured and was held in captivity until 24th December, 1962. On his release he joined his brother Carlos in Miami. (1)

According to his daughter: "He (De Torres) was already working with the CIA against him (Castro) in 1959. After he came back from the invasion he was in critical condition for a of couple months. He was shot in the back of his head beneath his cerebellum and the bullet broke into five pieces. He went under surgery and had four of those pieces removed. One had to stay because it was too close to an area that if accidentally harmed could make him paralyzed." (2)

In 1963 De Torres resumed work as a private investigator. According to Gerry P. Hemming De Torres worked for Charles Siragusa, who was involved in foreign assassinations. (3) Hemming had established Interpen (Intercontinental Penetration Force) and De Torres became associated with several of Hemming's Interpen members, including Loran HallRoy HargravesWilliam SeymourLawrence HowardSteve WilsonHoward K. DavisEdwin CollinsJames Arthur Lewis and Dennis Harber. (4)
Gaeton Fonzi points out in a memorandum to Robert Tanenbaum: "Torres was among a group of ten Cubans who helped Secret Service men protect President Kennedy when he visited Miami four days before his assassination. The latter is interesting because the only one who ever had a story of localities assisting Secret Service men here in Miami on Kennedy's visit was Jerry Patrick Hemming, who says he also was involved in that security effort. Miami Police reports list Torres as an associate of Anselmo Leon Alliegro, an old pal of Hemming's. Police once found a quantity of explosives and weapons in Alliegro's home. Alliegro said they belonged to Torres." (5)

Tom Bethell, who worked for New Orleans district attorney Jim Garrison, interviewed Hemming about Interpen and he claimed that in 1963 there were "numerous teams with paramilitary inclinations out to 'get' Kennedy. Some of these teams had been approached by wealthy entrepreneurs of the H. L. Hunt type, (though not, I think, in fact H. L. Hunt) who were interested in seeing the job done and even provided financial assistance." After the assassination of John F. Kennedy, members of these teams "have been returning to their sponsors, taking credit for the assassination, and at the same time requesting large additional sums of money so that they won't be tempted to talk about it to anyone. In turn, the sponsors have apparently been hiring Mafia figures to rid themselves of these blackmailers." (6)

Bernardo De Torres and Silvia Odio

Silvia Odio was a member of the anti-Castro group Junta Revolucionaria Cubana (JURE). Her father Amador Odio, was among Cuba's wealthiest men, the owner of the country's largest trucking business. However, he had fought Cuban dictators and helped to overthrow General Gerardo Machado in 1933. He was an early supporter of Castro, but had turned against him when "Fidel betrayed the Revolution" and along with Manuel Ray, had helped form one of the first anti-Castro groups within Cuba. (7)

Photo Bernardo De Torres and Edwin Collins

Odio later told the FBI and the Warren Commission that on 25th September, 1963, while living in Dallas, she received a visit from three men who claimed they were from New Orleans. Two of the men, Leopoldo and Angel, were Cubans, said they were members of JURE. The third man, who they named as Leon Oswald, was introduced as an American sympathizer who was willing to take part in the assassination of Fidel Castro. After she told them that she was unwilling to get involved in any criminal activity, the three men left. Odio later identified Leon as Lee Harvey Oswald. (8)

The following day Leopoldo called her on the telephone. He told her it was his idea to introduce the American into the underground "because he is great, he is kind of nuts". Leopoldo also said that the American had been in the marine corps and was an excellent shot, and that the American said the Cubans "don't have any guts because President Kennedy should have been assassinated after the Bay of Pigs, and some Cubans should have done that, because he was the one that was holding the freedom of Cuba actually." (9)

Photo: William SeymourDennis Harber, Isidro Berja and Bernardo De Torres

A report carried out by the FBI suggested that the three men may have been members of Interpen (Loran HallWilliam Seymour and Lawrence Howard). Hall admitted they "had gone to the apartment of a Cuban woman who lived in a garden style apartment located on Magellan Circle in Dallas... and said that he could not picture this woman in his mind now. He said that her name was possibly Odio. He said that he seemed to recognize this woman's name as Odio because of the association with the name of the Cuban professor who had the same name." (10)

Angelo Murgado was another member of the anti-Castro Cubans who was associated with Bernardo De Torres. He was a member of a group led by Manuel Artime. In August 1963, Murgado and Artime had a meeting with Robert F. Kennedy. Murgado warned the attorney general about the behaviour of some anti-Castro Cubans: "I told him that we have to keep a sharp look on those Cubans. I was afraid that one of our guys would go crazy... The same way that a lot of people are trying to hit Castro, there are a lot of people trying to hit the president of the United States... We have a lot of crazy sons of bitches and they're willing to pull anything." (11)

Photo : Bernardo De Torres is fourth from the right (Miami, September, 1963)

Joan Mellen, has carried out extensive research into the Odio incident. She claims that in an interview with Angelo Murgado she claimed he was "Angel" and "Leopoldo" was Bernardo de Torres. In an article published in 2005 she claimed that "Bernardo de Torres, who testified before the HSCA with immunity granted to him by the C.I.A., so that he was not questioned about the period of time leading up to the Kennedy assassination, as the C.I.A. instructed the Committee on what it could and could not ask this witness. Both the Warren Commission and the HSCA buried the anti-Castro theme, and never explored what Bobby (Kennedy) might have known." (12)

John F. Kennedy Assassination

According to his daughter Bernardo De Torres was employed by the CIA to investigate the assassination of John F. Kennedy: "Yes, he worked for several years with the CIA at uncovering all the possible people that were on the their list. At one time, they put him under the spot light and he was proved with out a doubt that he had anything to do with it. He was actually in Florida with my stepmother at the time of the assassination and was working on his other job as military coordinator for Brigade 2506. It's located in Miami in Little Havana.... I think he came to a conclusion in his investigation and thinks he knows who were the people who killed JFK but doesn't like or want to deal with what he found because all of sudden he stopped researching and never spoke about it again. Normally he doesn't stop until he has found the answers." (13)

In 1966 Bernardo De Torres joined Jim Garrison in his investigation of the assassination of President Kennedy. William Turner, the author of Rearview Mirror: Looking Back at the FBI, the CIA and Other Tails (2001) has argued: "A veteran of the Bay of Pigs, De Torres showed up on Garrison's doorstep early in the probe, saying he was a private detective from Miami who wanted to help, and dropping the name of Miami DA Richard Gerstein, a friend of Garrison's, as an opener. In retrospect, Garrison remembered that every lead De Torres developed ended up in a box canyon. He also learned that De Torres was forwarding reports on his investigation to the Miami CIA station." (14)

Garrison asked Bernardo De Torres to find Eladio del Valle so he could be interviewed about the assassination. Del Valle, a wealthy former Cuban congressmen under Fulgencio Batista, had headed the Free Cuba Committee in Florida, and reportedly had links to Santos Trafficante. (15) He was also a close friend and associate of David Ferrie, another man who Garrison was investigating. "In the course of checking out all possible associates of Oswald's in the city, we discovered that the alleged assassin had been seen during the summer with a man named David Ferrie. I got my people on the telephones right away to investigate a possible Oswald-Ferrie relationship." (16) Del Valle had reportedly paid Ferrie $1,500 a mission to make air raids against Cuba. (17)

Dick Russell, while researching his book, On the Trail of the JFK Assassins (2008) interviewed Fabian Escalante, the former chief of Cuba's G-2 intelligence agency. According to Escalante: "Del Valle was in charge of narcotics in a town south of Havana, where he had business dealings with Santo Trafficante... We managed to penetrate this organization. We came to know a lot of plans for exile invasions, secret overflights to provide arms to internal rebel groups. David Ferrie was the pilot for some of these flights. One of our agents talked on many occasions with Del Valle, who in 1962 told him that Kennedy must be killed to solve the Cuban problem." (18)

Another member of this group was Herminio Diaz Garcia. He arrived in the United States in 1963 and that September the CIA considered recruiting him as an agent because of his ties to Efiigenio Amejeiras Delgado, Castro's vice-minister of the armed forces, who was reportedly conspiring with Rolando Cubela. As David Kaiser pointed out: "It is not clear from available files whether he was in fact recruited." (19) Diaz Garcia was killed on a penetration mission into Cuba on 29th May, 1966. (20)

Garrison became suspicious of De Torres and on 7th January, 1967, he ordered his staff "under no circumstances" to offer any information to him. Four days later he wrote at the top of one of De Torres' memos: "His reliability is not established." Garrison became convinced that De Torres was working for JM/WAVE, the Central Intelligence Agency station in Miami. Declassified documents show that De Torres gave the CIA's final report on Jim Garrison on 2nd March, 1967, According to Gaeton Fonzi, De Torres's CIA handler was Paul Bethel. (21)

Another researcher, Larry Hancock, has argued that "It certainly appears that De Torres’ role in the Garrison investigation is suspicious, and it supports Otero’s remarks to HSCA investigators that De Torres had ‘penetrated’ Garrison’s investigation. It also shows that De Torres had an agenda of his own in addition to getting intelligence about Garrison’s investigation and investigators. That agenda involved once again shifting attention to Fidel Castro and a Cuban hit team rather than the activities of the Cuban exiles." (22)


On 17th February, 1967, The New Orleans States-Item reported that Jim Garrison was investigating the assassination of Kennedy. It also said that one of the suspects was David Ferrie. Five days later Ferrie's body was found in his New Orleans apartment. Garrison pointed out that "suddenly the newspapers, the television, and the radio people had decided that Ferrie's death - and the possibility it may have resulted from suicide or foul play - may have validated my investigation." Although two suicide notes were found, the coroner did not immediately classify the death as a suicide, noting there were indications Ferrie may have suffered a brain hemorrhage. Eventually the coroner announced that Ferrie had died of "natural causes". (23)

Eladio del Valle was murdered in Miami on 22nd February, 1967. He had been shot in the heart at point-blank range, and his skull was split open. (24) Diego Gonzales Tendera, a close friend, later claimed Del Valle was murdered because of his involvement in the assassination of John F. Kennedy. (25) It has been suggested by Garrison's chief investigator, Louis Ivon, that Bernardo De Torres was involved in the killing. "Eladio del Valle's body was left in the vicinity of Bernardo De Torres's apartment." (26)

Larry Hancock has suggested that "Bernardo De Torres... diverted Garrison to a certain extent as well as aggressively re-introducing Castro suspicions. He did that with his insistent media promotion of a story pertaining to Secret Service fears of a Castro hit team in Miami during Kennedy's visit there shortly before the Texas trip. Between February 18 and February 22, the Garrison investigation received considerable unwanted publicity, much of it based upon inquiries within the Miami Cuban community as well as the involvement of Bernardo De Torres. De Torres was quite visible in his comments and declarations, eventually leading the whole matter off in a direction pointing at a threat against John Kennedy from Castro agents." (27)

CIA Activities

After leaving the Garrison investigation De Torres went to work for Mitch WerBell as an arms salesman in Latin America. During an investigation of Juan Adames it was discovered that he had links with De Torres: "One of the areas Adames is talking about involves individuals who conspire to rob armouries in order to sell or exchange the weapons for narcotics, small time hoods with indirect connections to organized crime... When investigators asked him how he got involved with the gang, Adames said that one of the members happened to see in his apartment some documents which belonged to a close friend of his in the armaments business, Bernardo De Torres. They deal with the sale of weapons to the Mexican and Columbian governments and to the DEA in Mexico City. Torres is listed on one of the documents as 'Director of Operations for Central and South America' for the Military Armament Corporation. The Chairman of the Board of Military Armament Corporation is our old friend, Mitchell Livingston WerBell III. The pieces are coming together." (28)

According to Peter Dale Scott, De Torres also worked for Miguel Nazar Haro, the head of the powerful Mexican intelligence agency, Dirección Federal de Seguridad (DFS). De Torres reportedly provided Nazar's death squad with weapons. "In fact, it was common knowledge that when De Torres went to Mexico he was picked up at the airport by Nazar's personal limousine - without having to go through customs or immigration - and swiftly taken to Nazar's office." (29)

Gerry P. Hemming claimed that Bernardo de Torres offered him $25,000 to murder José Elías de la Torriente. "De Torres set up a lot of hits, and the problem was that they mostly favored Fidel's people. He approached me to take out Torriente but I said that domestic work on noncombatants wasn't my line - and moreover, I questioned exactly what was, and who had, the beef against this guy? (30)

Torriente was in fact murdered on 12th April, 1974: "José Elías de la Torriente was sitting in his home in Coral Gables, Florida, when he was shot and killed by an unknown assailant firing through the living room window. Torriente, a prominent local businessman, had crossed Miami's Cuban exile community after failing to follow through on plans to invade Cuba and overthrow Fidel Castro. His death marked the start of a period of political violence that would lead the FBI to call Miami the terrorist capital of the United States." (31)

In December 1975 it was reported: "De Torres recently returned to Miami, Florida from Panama and Costa Rica. De Torres is picking false press cards, written in English for use in Latin America. De Torres claims to have access to over $450,000 to make an investment for a quick profit. De Torres is planning a trip to Columbia on 7/12/75.... De Torres is suspected of arranging for the illegal importation of about 400,000 worth of contraband from Columbia, through Venezuela into the Florida area." (32)

Donald Freed has argued that De Torres attended a meeting on 29th June, 1976, at New England Oyster House in Carol Gables, Florida. Also at the meeting, under FBI surveillance, was Michael V. TownleyArmando Lopez Estrada and General Juan Manuel Contreras Sepulveda, the head of DINA, the secret police that had been set-up by Augusto Pinochet after the death of Salvador Allende. Freed believes this group of people were behind the assassination of Orlando Letelier on 21st September, 1976. (33)
Bernardo de Torres was due to appear before the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) on 2nd May, 1978. The previous day, G. Robert Blakey called a meeting to discuss Bernardo de Torres "who is purported to be a potential assassin and who was purported to be in Deadly Plaza on 23rd November." Blakey opened the meeting by "criticising the FBI for not notifying him (redacted) until 1 May even though De Torres had been subpoenaed for the last 30 days." Blakey also complained about the poor response to his request to see all De Torres' FBI files. (34)

William Turner claims in his book, Rearview Mirror: Looking Back at the FBI, the CIA and Other Tails (2001), that in 1977 the House Select Committee on Assassinations came to the conclusion that De Torres might have played a role in the death of John F. Kennedy. He quotes a HUCA report that said: "De Torres has pictures of Dealey Plaza in a safe-deposit box. These pictures were taken during the assassination of JFK". When he appeared before the HSCA De Torres denied any involvement in the case. (35)

Gaeton Fonzi, was employed by the HSCA as a staff investigator. This involved him interviewing Rolando Otero, one of the most violent of the anti-Castro Cubans: "Otero said his source had told him that Lee Harvey Oswald was sent to Russia as a CIA agent. The decision to kill Kennedy was made before Oswald's return to the United States. Otero said he had no specific knowledge of the number involved, but his training led him to guess there were between thirty and thirty-five CIA operatives in Dallas on the day Kennedy was killed, including the actual hit team.... Otero said he understood that most of the final planning and coordination took place at meetings held in the Dallas YMCA Building, and he gave me the names of five Miami men who, according to his source, were involved in the plot. He said he didn't know the roles that four of them played, but the fifth, the one called Carlos, was in contact with Oswald and was posing as a photographer in Dealey Plaza on November 22nd." (36) Fonzi later admitted that Otero told him that "Carlos" was Bernardo De Torres. (37)

Bernardo De Torres became involved in the drug trade in Miami. Owen Band became one of his associates: "Bernardo de Torres was my friend, mentor, and at times my surrogate father. We met when I was floundering, a year after I had been dropped off the wait list at Harvard Law School and suffered a nervous breakdown.... Soon I was dabbling in the drug business to support my habit. I was even recruited to help unload a freighter full of marijuana anchored out in the Gulf Stream.... Bernie and I sat together, kept a room in the hotel above the club, womanized, snorted cocaine, and hung out with whichever cocaine trafficker or celebrity was visiting the club. He liked that I was college educated and Jewish like his son. I'd befriended several members of Brigade 2506 while working at Club Alexandre, especially Rafael Villaverde and the son of the former president of Cuba." (38)

Photo Bernardo De Torres with his son (c. 1985)

Bernardo De Torres retired to Florida. According to his daughter (August 2006): "He lives a peaceful life in sunny Florida with his sister,a cat named cookie and his military trained German Shepard. That dog is seriously licensed to kill. He is divorced and has 4 children who are all spread out over the globe. We all get along even though most of us are from different mothers. He likes to drink his Coca Cola and bet at the dog track occasionally. He takes extremely good care of his health. He works out and even injects himself with vitamins. He is the leanest 72 year old you will ever know. I don't know why people think he lives in South America. He hates those places because to him they are third world countries. Granted he loves to travel but he won't waste him money there." (39)

In his final years De Torres became homeless and slept in Barnes Park. His friend Owen Band later recalled: "I could only speculate about how he came to this tragic situation. Bernie spent lavishly money on his friends. He didn't save much. Many of the people closest to him had died or, like me, moved on with their lives." De Torres was hit by a car in May 2018 while out walking and "stayed for six months in hospice care before dying in December." (40)

By John Simkin (john@spartacus-educational.com) © September 1997 (updated May 2019).

Primary Sources

Eladio del Valle's body was found in a Miami parking lot twelve hours after Ferrie's was discovered in New Orleans. The DA investigator who was searching for del Valle, Bernardo De Torres, turned out to be a suspicious character in his own right. A veteran of the Bay of Pigs, De Torres showed up on Garrison's doorstep early in the probe, saying he was a private detective from Miami who wanted to help, and dropping the name of Miami DA Richard Gerstein, a friend of Garrison's, as an opener. In retrospect, Garrison remembered that every lead De Torres developed ended up in a box canyon. He also learned that De Torres was forwarding reports on his investigation to the Miami CIA station. In 1977 the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) came to believe that De Torres might have played a role in Dallas. "De Torres has pictures of Dealey Plaza in a safe-deposit box," a HSCA report states. "These pictures were taken during the assassination of JFK." When hauled before the committee, De Torres denied any implication.

It all began when Rolando Otero said he was going to tell me how President Kennedy was assassinated. This was shortly after I began working for the Assassinations Committee and Otero was in the Okaloosa County Jail in the Florida Panhandle. Otero wanted to talk, but he wanted me to know that his knowledge was based on only two factors: secondhand information, and what he had learned about the CIA's tactics and procedures when he worked for the Agency.

Otero said his source had told him that Lee Harvey Oswald was sent to Russia as a CIA agent. The decision to kill Kennedy was made before Oswald's return to the United States. Otero said he had no specific knowledge of the number involved, but his training led him to guess there were between thirty and thirty-five CIA operatives in Dallas on the day Kennedy was killed, including the actual hit team. He figures there was a minimum of three on the hit team, at least one stationed in front of, and another behind, Kennedy. Otero said he understood that most of the final planning and coordination took place at meetings held in the Dallas YMCA Building, and he gave me the names of five Miami men who, according to his source, were involved in the plot. He said he didn't know the roles that four of them played, but the fifth, the one called Carlos, was in contact with Oswald and was posing as a photographer in Dealey Plaza on November 22nd.

I met with Rolando Otero because his attorney, Bob Rosenblatt from the Miami Public Defenders Office, had called and told me Otero wanted to talk with me. I knew of Otero because he had gotten major headlines when he was accused of placing bombs in Federal buildings in the Miami area. I also knew of his association with the most violent anti-Castro terrorists, so I thought it might be worth the trip. A wiry, intense young man, with a wild crop of black curls, Otero burned with an almost visible fervor when he spoke of his hatred for Castro. But he believed that any attempt to blame Castro for the assassination was part of the CIA's ploy to throw the investigation off track. The Agency did the same thing, he said, when it injected the Mafia scenario at the time of the Garrison investigation.

Bernardo De Torres is not a name mentioned previously in this work. De Torres is known to have associated with several of Hemming's Interpen members and he was well acquainted with Frank Fiorini/Sturgis. De Torres also had strong operational contacts in Mexico City all the way up to Miguel Nazar Haro in Mexican police intelligence. Haro was later revealed as a key individual in drug trafficking into the U.S. and has been associated with both Sam Giancana and Richard Cain. An FBI report on De Torres from the 1970's refers to his "high level contacts" with the CIA, but this is otherwise unsubstantiated (unexplained is perhaps a better description).

De Torres was not actually investigated in regards to the JFK investigation until the time of the House Select Committee on Assassinations when he came to the attention of Gaeton Fonzi due to the revelations of Rolando Otero. Otero was one of the sources quoted earlier describing an individual representing himself as CIA who was spreading information about President Kennedy within the Cuban community in Miami: "But prior to that they had a rumor in the Cuban community, like Kennedy was a Communist. Another Cuban would come to you who was working for one of those intelligence groups, and he would tell you Kennedy is a Communist, he's against us, he's messing up the whole cause."

Otero believed there was a non-Castro conspiracy behind the assassination and he gave Fonzi some solid leads on possible participants. These are presented in detail in Fonzi's book The Last Investigation, including the orders from Fonzi's supervisor that killed his effort to obtain solid incriminating evidence by running surveillance on suspects. One of those suspects was an individual still actively operating in the anti-Communist, anti-Castro affairs of the 1970s, one Bernardo De Torres aka "Carlos." De Torres was even reputed to have had photographs taken in Dallas on November 22.

De Torres was a Bay of Pigs veteran who had been held prisoner until December of 1962 (released at virtually the same time as John Martino). De Torres went on to become the military coordinator for Brigade 2506 after the assassination.

However, according to Jim Garrison, De Torres became involved in the Garrison New Orleans investigation (as did Roy Hargraves and Gerry Hemming) and apparently diverted Garrison to a certain extent as well as aggressively re-introducing Castro suspicions. He did that with his insistent media promotion of a story pertaining to Secret Service fears of a Castro hit team in Miami during Kennedy's visit there shortly before the Texas trip.

Between February 18 and February 22, the Garrison investigation received considerable unwanted publicity, much of it based upon inquiries within the Miami Cuban community as well as the involvement of Bernardo De Torres. De Torres was quite visible in his comments and declarations, eventually leading the whole matter off in a direction pointing at a threat against John Kennedy from Castro agents.

(4) Gaeton Fonzimemorandum to Robert Tanenbaum, Deputy Chief Counsel for the House Select Committee on Assassinations (23rd May, 1977)

According to the FBI report, Hector Serrano, told the Bureau that Antonio Gonzalez had been in touch with Arturo Cobos, described as "a Cuban known to have contacts in the CIA."

This is what the FBI, report then says: "Cobos furnished the name of Bernardo Torres... as the man to call with contacts on a high level with the CIA in Washington, D.C. Torres advised Gonzalez that he contracted his source in the CIA and learned that the FBI is aware that Rolando Otero did commit the bombings, and that Otero's three friends, Ciro Orizondo, Tony Gonzalez and Hector Serrano are going to be framed by the FBI for the same bombings...

What we have so far on Bernardo de Torres is this: "He showed up in New Orleans very early in Garrison's investigation claiming he had important information. He said he was a private detective in Miami and wanted to help. Garrison recalls he mentioned the name of State Attorney Richard Gerstein as an entree. Miami newspaper clippings at the time describe Torres as the "military coordinator of Brigade 2506." He refused to comment to reporters on his role in Garrison's investigation. "He said some of the angles were "classified," such as reports of an Oswald visit here." (My personal opinion is that, from my experience, anyone who comes up with a story putting Oswald in Miami is a source of misinformation.) However, according to the clippings: Torres was among a group of ten Cubans who helped Secret Service men protect President Kennedy when he visited Miami four days before his assassination.

The latter is interesting because the only one who ever had a story of localities assisting Secret Service men here in Miami on Kennedy's visit was Jerry Patrick Hemming, who says he also was involved in that security effort. Miami Police reports list Torres as an associate of Anselmo Leon Alliegro, an old pal of Hemming's. Police once found a quantity of explosives and weapons in Alliegro's home. Alliegro said they belonged to Torres.

Torres also has a connection with a boutique that is owned by another Otero lead, Norman Diaz. Diaz is the father-in-law of Miami City Commissioner Manolo Rebozo, a close associate of Manuel Artime's and a former member of Operation 40 himself...

Today Garrison feels that Torres was one of his early sources of misinformation. He hasn't yet checked his files on him, but from recollection he says whatever information Torres provided never went anywhere. The latest clipping I have on Torres reports that he was going to be summoned to testify before a Federal grand jury in Washington investigating the assassination of Chilean Foreign Minister Letelier. That was early this year.

I don't plan to approach Torres until I run the full circle around him. It's the little things that make me feel he may be important. Otero, for instance, told me that the source of his information, Juan Adames, the fellow he was in the Broward County Jail with for a brief period, visited his, Otero's girlfriend when he was out for a short while last summer...

I finally found Juan Adames... He is in the Dade Correctional Institution, a State prison in Florida City, about 35 miles from Miami. He was arrested in Fort Lauderdale in June, 1976, on forgery and worthless check charges. So Otero's story about meeting him in the jail there checks out...

One of the areas Adames is talking about involves individuals who conspire to rob armouries in order to sell or exchange the weapons for narcotics, small time hoods with indirect connections to organized crime... When investigators asked him how he got involved with the gang, Adames said that one of the members happened to see in his apartment some documents which belonged to a close friend of his in the armaments business, Bernardo De Torres. They deal with the sale of weapons to the Mexican and Columbian governments and to the DEA in Mexico City. Torres is listed on one of the documents as "Director of Operations for Central and South America" for the Military Armament Corporation. The Chairman of the Board of Military Armament Corporation is our old friend, Mitchell Livingston WerBell III. The pieces are coming together.

I'm following up, planning to approach Adames undercover. As soon as I get a chance, I'll send you copies of all the key stuff I have on WerBell. The latest word I have is that our old 544 Camp Street buddy, Gordon Novel, is living on WerBell's estate in Georgia. Small world.

On 1 May 1978, G. Robert Blakey called a meeting to discuss Bernardo de Torres, who is purported to be a potential assassin and who was purported to be in Deadly Plaza on 23rd November. De Torres was scheduled to appear in executive session before the HSCA on 2 May 1978. Mt Blakey opened the meeting criticising the FBI for not notifying him (redacted) until 1 May even though De Torres had been subpoenaed for the last 30 days... Mr Blakey then turned his attention to the Agency's response to his written request for any and all files on De Torres.

De Torres recently returned to Miami, Florida from Panama and Costa Rica. De Torres is picking false press cards, written in English for use in Latin America. De Torres claims to have access to over $450,000 to make an investment for a quick profit. De Torres is planning a trip to Columbia on 7/12/75. Headquarters HPDS is requested to place De Torres on INS Soundex and Customs TECS to monitor his return.
S.A. Joe Doredant. De Torres is suspected of arranging for the illegal importation of about 400,000 worth of contraband from Columbia, through Venezuela into the Florida area.

(7) Tom DunkinIntrigue at "No Name" Key (Spring 1992)
Oliver Stone's JFK seems to have achieved a double objective of being a moneymaker and a political activity stimulus, one of the movie's directors avers.

Although he denies any spooky associations, it's going to be interesting to see if future release of classified files on the Kennedy assassination pinpoints new intelligence community involvement, Roy Hargraves, a man with some shadowy past connections, acknowledges.

Hargraves denies any "contract CIA agent" links, although he was involved in military training of Cuban exiles in Florida and Louisiana. British author Anthony Summers hung the contract agent tag on members of the International Penetration Force in his book, Conspiracy.

Summer's book on the JFK assassination cites an FBI raid and the closing of a training site near Lake Ponchatrain several months before Kennedy's death as a possible contributing factor in the assassination.
Hargraves recalls there are many unanswered questions in the Cuban exile aspect of the Kennedy case. Early in New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison's probe, "Garrison accused us of training the ‘triangulation team' of three alleged snipers at No Name Key."

No Name Key was the principal Florida training site for the IPF freelance volunteer instructors. "We testified before Garrison and convinced him he was wrong," Hargraves recalls, "and we went to work for him for about a month" early in Garrison's late 1966 and early 1967 investigation.

Garrison's, whose two non-fiction books, A Heritage of Stone, and On the Trail of The Assassins, were the basis of Stone's JFK said in them that Kennedy's "ordering an end to the CIA's continued training of anti-Castro guerrillas at the small, scattered camps in Florida and north of Lake Ponchatrain "added to the disenchantment which contributed to the President's murder.

Another interesting aspect of the Garrison investigation, is that, according to Hargraves, a Cuban exile investigator hired by Garrison" ripped off half the budget" to handicap the probe. Bernardo de Torres, a Bay of Pigs veteran, "was working for the CIA", Hargraves said, during the Garrison investigation.
De Torres, who has since disappeared from his former Miami haunts, also served as a security consultant to local and federal law enforcement units during President Kennedy's visit to Miami after Fidel Castro's release of the prisoners from the Bay of Pigs invasion.

(8) Gerry P. HemmingEducation Forum (24th September, 2005)
I identified Bernie de Torres even after both Gene Propper & Gaeton Fonzi [held to NDAs they signed] used code-words when referring to him. [see "Labyrinth" ("TB") & "Carlos" (The Last Investigation) for reference] One of our guys was dispatched to Dealey Plaza that week by Colonel Arturo Espaillat, who was then based in Montreal. A month later, he recounted said "mission" to me after too many beers, and was furious at having been used once again by Robert Emmett Johnson, the "Raul" of the MLK, Jr. matter.

(9) Joan MellenKey West Citizen (2nd September, 2005)
As Mrs. Odio testified before the Warren Commission, she was told the next day by one of her visitors that Oswald had remarked, "President Kennedy should have been assassinated after the Bay of Pigs, and some Cubans should have done that.... it is so easy to do it."

The Warren Commission lacked a context to evaluate this incident because it had not been informed of the C.I.A.'s attempts to assassinate Fidel Castro, now a matter of public record, and a matter to be concealed, unlike today when a Pat Robertson can openly advocate the assassination of a foreign leader. Had the Odio incident been explored fully, some uncomfortable truths might have emerged, truths that could have modified the conclusions of the Warren Report, just as Lieutenant Colonel Shaffer's information, tested, might have altered the findings of the 9/11 Commission, and the biography of Mohammed Atta been more thoroughly researched.

In my own study of the Kennedy assassination for my book, "A Farewell to Justice," I discovered that parallel to these secret efforts by the C.I.A., Robert F. Kennedy was organizing his own clandestine plots to assassinate Fidel Castro. The sources are the released minutes of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, the Church Committee papers, and the Cubans who worked closely with the Attorney General.

Bobby's instruction to his special team was twofold. It was to discover a means of ridding the Kennedy administration of the Communist thorn in its side "ninety miles from home." It was also to protect his brother from the murderous impulses of an anti-Castro Cuban incensed by John F. Kennedy's refusal to support the invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs.

Among those closest to Bobby Kennedy was a man still living in Florida today, Angelo Murgado, who, during the summer of 1963, traveled on Bobby's behalf to New Orleans. Moving among, as he puts it, "Castro's agents, double agents, and Cubans working for the C.I.A., he hoped to "neutralize" a future assassin.

In New Orleans, Mr. Murgado met Lee Harvey Oswald, who resided there in the city of his birth from April to September 1963. Hitherto unreported is that Bobby Kennedy became aware of Oswald - before the assassination.

Bobby even discovered that Oswald was working for the F.B.I., a fact brought to the attention of the Warren Commission as well, and subsequently confirmed for the House Select Committee on Assassinations in the late 1970s by an F.B.I. employee, William Walter, who viewed the Bureau's copious files on Oswald at the New Orleans field office when Oswald was arrested that August for a staged fracas on Canal Street where he was handing out "Fair Play for Cuba" leaflets.

"If the F.B.I. is controlling him," Bobby reasoned, according to Mr. Murgado, "he's no problem." Operating alone, covertly, suspecting a threat to his brother, Bobby underestimated who Oswald was and ceased to make him a major target of his concern. Bobby knew "something was cooking in New Orleans," Angel Murgado says, New Orleans that harlot city now destroyed by flood in a catastrophe of Biblical proportion, New Orleans that sin city where the Kennedy assassination incubated. But Bobby held back. He urged "caution," and apparently he did not share what he knew about Oswald with those who should have been expected to help him protect the President.

Angelo Murgado and a fellow veteran of the Bay of Pigs, in September, were the men who traveled with Oswald from New Orleans to Dallas where they visited Sylvia Odio. (Mrs. Odio testified that the three traveled together although Angelo says that when he and Leopoldo, who drove from New Orleans together, arrived at Sylvia Odio's, Oswald was already there, sitting in the apartment. That "Leopoldo" and Angelo both knew Oswald, there is no doubt). Their objective, or so Angelo thought, was to search for help in their anti-Castro efforts; they talked to Mrs. Odio about buying arms to overthrow Castro. Angelo believed he could trust his companion, referred to in the Warren Report as "Leopoldo," because not only was he a fellow veteran of the Bay of Pigs, but his brother was running for mayor of Miami. He was respectable.

Out of Angelo's hearing, "Leopoldo" phoned Mrs. Odio the next day to tell her how "Leon" Oswald had talked about the need to murder President Kennedy. "Leon" is "kind of nuts," Leopoldo said, a conclusion reflected in the Warren Report.

Placing Oswald in the company of so close an associate of Bobby Kennedy, in an incident that points to foreknowledge of the assassination, created a trap that would silence Bobby forever, rendering him powerless to make public what he knew about the death of his brother. He asked his aide, Frank Mankiewicz, whether "any of our people were involved," and, Mankiewicz told me, he thought, did you think there might be? The conversation stopped there.

Angelo had been betrayed by a companion he believed he could trust, a man not so much dedicated to the overthrow of Fidel Castro, as Angelo believed, as involved in arranging for Oswald to be blamed for the murder of the President, what the Odio visit was really about. The men who visited Mrs. Odio are identified here for the first time in print.

"Leopoldo" was Bernardo de Torres, who testified before the HSCA with immunity granted to him by the C.I.A., so that he was not questioned about the period of time leading up to the Kennedy assassination, as the C.I.A. instructed the Committee on what it could and could not ask this witness. Both the Warren Commission and the HSCA buried the anti-Castro theme, and never explored what Bobby might have known. It might be that the assassination of President Kennedy could have been prevented, just as the apprehension of the people uncovered by the Able Danger team, aided by the F.B.I., had it been granted the opportunity, might have altered the course of the 9/11 tragedy.

That Robert F. Kennedy not only knew about Lee Harvey Oswald, but also viewed him as a danger, is alone shocking. That Bobby put Oswald in New Orleans under surveillance, only to conclude that Oswald posed no threat because he was "just" involved in assassination plots against Fidel Castro, is a chilling precedent for the disasters we may continue to expect from a freewheeling approach to public accountability by government commissions that appear to be willing to keep the citizenry ignorant, and hence vulnerable to attack.

(10) Gerry P. HemmingEducation Forum (11th November, 2005)
De Torres set up a lot of hits, and the problem was that they mostly favored Fidel's people. He approached me to take out Torriente (José Elías de la Torriente was murdered at his home in Coral Gables, Florida on 12th April, 1974) for $25K, but I said that domestic work on noncombatants wasn't my line - and moreover, I questioned exactly what was, and who had, the beef against this guy? On April 12, 1974, José Elías de la Torriente was sitting in his home in Coral Gables, Florida, when he was shot and killed by an unknown assailant firing through the living room window. Torriente, a prominent local businessman, had crossed Miami's Cuban exile community after failing to follow through on plans to invade Cuba and overthrow Fidel Castro. His death marked the start of a period of political violence that would lead the FBI to call Miami the terrorist capital of the United States.

He did NOT call Sylvia ever, and Angelo never hinted at same. Mellen alleges that the call was made behind Murgado's back. Who is the source. Not one of the compartmented guys & gals on the Odio matter have ever talked to anybody, save their "cutouts" to RFK's teams. These folks refused to discuss these matters with anybody else but me (and on a limited basis). They didn't even want to speak with others they knew or suspected to be amongst the compartmented elements. And they dogmatically and absolutely refused to talk to talk to any reporter, writer - even if the party was from the CIA/I.G.s office, and especially not with any CIA elements!!

So where does this "Bernie called back to Sylvia" really come from?
The inside scoop of Sylvia, et al. and especially any relationship with a young priest - can't be clearly answered, not by her or the others. And moreover, she wouldn't be interested in finding out either. Even when people believe that they are participating in something patriotic and noble - when the final results are kept secret, most non-operators feel used - and/or betrayed. They have a hard time grasping that it is safer for all concerned - NOT to know intricate details. However, they sure as hell feel that it is not normal when when the "Mushroom" syndrome arrives.

De Torres taking on a JFK type task, not likely - even if it was a logistics, commo, or coordinator tasking, he likes living too well - and he would avoid an Op which either might go sour, or as happens in the drug trade, you expect to be paid in Silver [Plata] but in the end you are paid in Plomo [lead]!

When an asset doesn't have a clue as to what is really going on, later on and down the road, they lose interest in finding out! Discovering that you have been "used" is a bitter experience.

Mellen wouldn't take NO for an answer, and just couldn't (or wouldn't) comprehend that most of these folks have no interest in rehashing the unknown/uncertain past. This is primarily due to a fear that: they will be linked to something bad, or worse, discover that they had been used like a goat. And they sure as hell don't want those close to them to discover their past (good or bad). It causes rifts, jealousies, and recriminations within the extended family - especially when there exist distinct opposing beliefs.

Angelo is of the same mind set as the rest, and if I hadn't believed that it was time to set history straight, and give some overdue credit - I would have never pounded him to open up just a little bit. Only on two occasions has he ever done so. Now look at what the response has been. A bunch of "Bookies"; who have never been there nor done that. "Talking the Talk, without ever having even been close to The Walk !!"
Don't bother asking a veteran grunt; they don't talk "outside of class" - and operators - If you ever find a real one, he/she won't be a conversant one.

(11) John Simkin, email interview with Bernardo De Torres' daughter (August 2006)

Q1: Did he visit Silvia Odio in September, 1963. If so, who were the other two men?
A1: I don't know this one.
Q2: Did he hear any rumours about who might have been responsible for the assassination of JFK?
A2: Yes, he worked for several years with the CIA at uncovering all the possible people that were on their list. At one time, they put him under the spot light and he was proved with out a doubt that he had anything to do with it. He was actually in Florida with my stepmother at the time of the assassination and was working on his other job as military coordinator for Brigade 2506. It's located in Miami in Little Havana. Every time I've been there I see pics of him and he looks so different, I almost never recognize him. I think he came to a conclusion in his investigation and thinks he knows who were the people who killed JFK but doesn't like or want to deal with what he found because all of sudden he stopped researching and never spoke about it again. Normally he doesn't stop until he has found the answers.
Q3: What does he think of the Gene Wheaton story that Carl Jenkins and Chi Chi Quintero were involved in the assassination?
A3: I don't know this one either.
Q4: Was he involved in any anti-Castro activities before the Bay of Pigs? Did he go on any missions in 1962-1963?
A4: Yes. He was already working with the CIA against him in 1959. After he came back from the invasion he was in critical condition for a of couple months. He was shot in the back of his head beneath his cerebellum and the bullet broke into five pieces. He went under surgery and had four of those pieces removed. One had to stay because it was too close to an area that if accidentally harmed could make him paralyzed. About four years ago he started having fainting spells and headaches and it was determined the piece was being pushed into his brain by surrounding tissue that had formed so it was removed successfully then. He pretty much rested for a while and told stories about being imprisoned in Cuba after that.
Q5. Is it true that he has got locked away some important documents and photographs concerning the assassination?
A5: No comment. I mean come on. Do you really think i would say yes to this question.
Q6: What has he been up to in recent years?
A6: My father has long since retired from all his investigating but still takes part in the Brigade 2506 association. He lives a peaceful life in sunny Florida with his sister, a cat named cookie and his military trained German Shepard. That dog is seriously "licensed to kill" LOL! He is divorced and has 4 children who are all spread out over the globe. We all get along even though most of us are from different mothers. He likes to drink his Coca Cola and bet at the dog track occasionally. He takes extremely good care of his health. He works out and even injects himself with vitamins. He is the leanest 72 year old you will ever know. I don't know why people think he lives in South America. He hates those places because to him they are third world countries. Granted he loves to travel but he won't waste him money there.

Q7: Would he be willing to be interviewed on camera for a BBC documentary on anti-Castro activities in the 1960s?

A7: No. Unfortunately he is camera shy and doesn't like to talk about his work in the past. He tell us his stories because he loves us and we are his family but he really isn't a people person. If you would bumped into him in the street you would think "Goodness, what a mean looking old man". I haven't seen him smile in years.

(12) Owen BandMiami New Times (13th May 2019)
At first, no one knew the name of the 84-year-old homeless man who slept in Barnes Park, was hit by a car, and quietly died in a hospice in the dead of winter. Every death is a tragedy; every life has a story.
But days after his death this past December 2, he was identified as Bernardo de Torres, once the head of intelligence for Brigade 2506, the Cuban patriotas who landed at the Bay of Pigs in 1961 with hopes of overthrowing Fidel Castro. Bernardo was taken prisoner and was only released after the personal intervention of President John F. Kennedy.

If his story ended there, his life would have had some historical importance. But there was more. So much more.

My friend Bernie was a subject of investigation by both the House Select Committee on Assassinations and by the Warren Commission, which probed Kennedy's murder. He worked for New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison as an investigator in a separate probe of Kennedy's killing and funneled information back to his handlers at the CIA. Even today, the FBI and CIA have classified files on Bernie.

Bernie’s resume, if he had one, would have included his career as an arms dealer in South America with ties to the head of Mexican police intelligence. He might have left out the number of times he was questioned in homicide cases in Dade County, Florida.

And then, there were the rumors. Bernie was an international assassin and a high-level federal informant, they said. In reality, no one knows everything about Bernardo’s story. I’m reminded of that line from the Jimmy Stewart movie The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance: "When the legend becomes fact, print the legend."
Bernardo de Torres was my friend, mentor, and at times my surrogate father. We met when I was floundering, a year after I had been dropped off the waitlist at Harvard Law School and suffered a nervous breakdown...

Bernie concluded it was time for me to move on with my life. I was never cut out for drug dealing, he said, and I was smart enough to make it legitimately. He had never told me this before, he added, because I wasn’t ready to listen. And then Bernie calmly pulled out a copy of a file on me. I glanced at the information and was shocked. There was grand jury testimony about me going back to 1978. There was also a list of my known associates and a report on my near arrest in New Orleans two months before. When I asked him where he got it, he wouldn’t answer.

So who was Bernie really? He told me once he had photographs of Dealey Plaza during the Kennedy assassination tucked away in a safe deposit box. He also admitted to a close friend of mine that he knew Lee Harvey Oswald. It has been reported that he showed up at Silvia Odio’s house in Dallas with Oswald. His list of connections included mafia dons Santo Trafficante and Carlos Marcello, who were both linked to the Kennedy assassination. Bernie took his secrets to the grave. His fall from grace wasn't poetic. It was, for the most part, his own fault. I am sorry for not reaching out to him in his later years. His death now haunts me.
After reporter Roben Farzad contacted me about rumors surrounding Bernie’s situation and subsequent death, I called the Miami-Dade coroner, who sent me the records. He was hit by a car last May while walking and then stayed for six months in hospice care before dying in December. I could only speculate about how he came to this tragic situation. Bernie spent lavishly money on his friends. He didn't save much. Many of the people closest to him had died or, like me, moved on with their lives.
I never again resorted to crime and gave up cocaine, thanks to Bernie.

Student Activities
References
(1) Larry HancockSomeone Would Have Talked (2006) page 508
(2) John Simkin, email interview with Bernardo De Torres' daughter (August 2006)
(3) Gerry P. HemmingEducation Forum (11th November, 2005)
(5) Gaeton Fonzimemorandum to Robert Tanenbaum, Deputy Chief Counsel for the House Select Committee on Assassinations (23rd May, 1977)
(6) Thomas Bethell, letter to Edward Jay Epstein (25th July, 1967)
(7) Gaeton FonziThe Last Investigation (1993) pages 109-110
(9) Silvia Odio, testimony before the Warren Commission (22nd July, 1964)
(10) FBI agent, Leon Brown, interview with Loran Hall (16th September, 1964)
(12) Joan MellenKey West Citizen (2nd September, 2005)
(13) John Simkin, email interview with Bernardo De Torres' daughter (August 2006)
(15) Anthony SummersThe Kennedy Conspiracy (1980) page 319
(19) David KaiserThe Road to Dallas (2008) page 403
(20) Larry HancockSomeone Would Have Talked (2006) pages 362
(21) Joan MellenA Farewell to Justice (2013) page 88
(22) Larry HancockSomeone Would Have Talked (2006) pages 347-348
(24) Anthony SummersThe Kennedy Conspiracy (1980) page 491
(25) Diego Gonzales TenderaThe National Enquirer (30th April, 1967)
(26) Louis Ivon, internal memo (26th February, 1967)
(27) Larry HancockSomeone Would Have Talked (2006) page 508
(28) Gaeton Fonzimemorandum to Robert Tanenbaum, Deputy Chief Counsel for the House Select Committee on Assassinations (23rd May, 1977)
(30) Gerry P. HemmingEducation Forum (11th November, 2005)
(31) Alan McPhersonAmericas Quarterly (May 2019)
(33) Donald FreedDeath in Washington (1980) page 195
(36) Gaeton FonziThe Last Investigation (1993) pages 233-234
(37) Larry HancockSomeone Would Have Talked (2006) page 347
(38) Owen BandMiami New Times (13th May 2019)
(39) John Simkin, email interview with Bernardo De Torres' daughter (August 2006)
(40) Owen BandMiami New Times (13th May 2019)