BK NOTES: Now we know why Corn and Russo and the Nation didn't bother to share the original Lansdale memo they obtained from Larry Haapanen, who also shared it with me. The Hemingway part of the three page memo is only contained in the last paragraph, and it says nothing like what the Old Man and the CIA says, or even implies - that the Kennedys plotted to kill Castro at the Hemingway House north of Havana, that was being made into a museum. Mary Hemingway told Ed Morrow about her visit to Cuba, that was personally approved by JFK. She mentioned Castro stopped by while she was there, and appeared to be drinking heavily and depressed about the way things were going. Morrow apparently told the CIA and RFK and it was RFK who brought up the subject.
"The Attorney General then
mentioned Mary Hemingway, commenting on reports that Castro was drinking
heavily in disgruntlement over the way things were going, and the opportunities
offered by the “shrine” to Hemingway."
Lansdale wrote: "I commented that this was a
conversation Ed Morrow had with Mary Hemingway, that we had similar reports
from other sources, and that this was worth assessing firmly and pursing
vigorously. If there are grounds for action, CIA had some invaluable assets which
might well be committed for such an effort."
"McCone asked if his operational
people were aware of this: I told him that we had discussed tis, that they
agreed the subject was worth vigorous development, and that we were in
agreement that the matter was so delicate and sensitive that it shouldn’t be surfaced to the Special Group until we were ready
to go, and then not in detail."
BK: I'll tell you what McCone's operational people were planning - as detailed in what we know of the Pathfinder Plan - and that's a real plan, not a plot, but a plan to shoot Castro with a high powered rifle as he drove by in an open jeep to either his boat at the Bay of Pigs or the DuPont estate, where he often enjoyed the luxuries. The NPIC people, who revealed the Pathfinder Plan, also gave the operational people aerial U2 photos of the area, ground photos, and blueprints of the DuPont estate and surrounding buildings. That plan, as they reported, "was disapproved by higher authority," higher authority being JFK and RFK.
There is no mention of any assassination attempt on Castro at the Hemingway house, and the only plot is in the heads of Corn and Russo, and not JFK and RFK. It is the Kennedy baiters and haters who keep promoting these ideas, and if this is the most significant record of the Kennedy's intentions to kill Castro, they never had any such intention.
The Lansdale Memo Re: The Hemingway Plot
TOP
SECRET – Crossed Out
Logo
Secretary of Defense
OFFICE
OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
Washington
D.C.
16 March
1962
SENSITIVE
– Crossed Out
MEMORANDUM
FOR THE RECORD
By: Brig. Gen. Lansdale
Subject:
Meeting with President , 16 March 1962
Present:
The President, General Taylor, the Attorney General, McGeorge Bundy, Mr.
Gilpatrick, General Lemnitzer, Mr. McCone, Alexis Johnson, myself. At the White
House 1600 hours, 16 March, 1962. ]
Prior to
the President’s arrival, the group met in the Oval room. General Taylor handed
out his “Guidelines for Operation Mongoose,” dated 14 March. I asked McCone
about having Helms and Harvey, who were waiting outside, join us. McCone asked
if I had any differences of opinion with them. I said that we were in agreement
on operational procedures, as far as the guidelines would permit operations.
McCone then said Helms and Harvey should stay outside (which he told the
President later, also).
McCone
then asked me if I were in agreement with the concept contained in the “Guidelines.”
I commented that they didn’t fit the conditions inside Cuba that were becoming
more apparent to the operational people, including CIA operativesfor whom I had
respect; the chance of fracturing the regime and creating a valid revolution is
becoming more feasable. I felt that we needed much more freedom to work on the
revolutionary possiblities than is possible under the guidelines.
The
President then came in.
General
Taylor gave a brief report on devlopments since 30 Novem ber, said the Special
Group felt that hard intelligence was needed before going ahead, and handed the
President a copy of the revised Guidelines.
(The
President glanced at this and momentarily and set it down on the table: Taylor
had briefed him on the Guidelines the evening before.) The President then
turned to me and asked me what was being done.
I gave
him a quick summary of the intelligence-collection plan through July, telling
him that this was the Special Group’s plan, and describing the work so far of
CIA and Defense. I told him that we finaly were starting to get a really good
team together for the operation, after much effort to get the U.S. pointed in
the right direction. I noted that agents were to be trained or experienced in guerrilla
warfare, that we needed U.S. military participation for support, including
air-resupply and maritime actions.
He asked
for details. Both General Lemnitzer and I told him about “sheep-dipping” U.S.
military personnel, “sanitizing” equipment, and use of U.S. bases. I pointed
out that PT boat silhouettes rquired a Navy base as a cover, even if we called
it “R & E,” that air re-supply would be done at night from about 800-feet
which entailed some risk which the Air Force was now assessing. He asked about
maritime runs of the PT-boats; I explained our problems of “mother” ships, the
LSD’s and 200-300 man crews, which we are trying to lick.
I
remarked that the thesis of creating a revolution inside Cuba looked just as
valid as ever, and that CIA professionals were now agreeing more and more that
both resistance and the possibility of fracturing the regime pointed to some
real opportunities. I noted that we were checking out a number of leads,
including relatives of Fidel Castro, to assess the practical opportunities for
splitting away some of the regime. If we could get some of the top Cuban
leaders, and some units of the Cuban security forces to take to the hills, we
would have conditions which would need quick exploitation – and we would have
to be ready for this. I noted that we would have to supply arms and equipment;
it is possible that this could be done without U.S. military intervention, but
we must be ready to intervene with U.S. forces, if necessary.
The
President asked if U.S. military intervention was an issue which the Special
Group was posing to him now. Taylor and the Special Group promptly said, “no.”
General
Lemnitzer commented that the military had contingency plans for U.S.
intervention. Also, it had plans for creating plausible pretexts to use force,
with the pretexts either attacks on U.S. aircraft or a Cuban action in Latin
America for which we would retaliate.
The
President said bluntly that we were not discussing the use of U.S. military
force, that General Lemnitzer might find the U.S. so engaged in Berlin or
elsewhere that he couldn’t use the contemplated 4 divisions in Cuba. So, we
cannot say that we are able not to make a decision on the use of U.S. military
force.
The
President then commented that he hoped something could be done about the press.
That the newspapers would start conjecturing on operations just as they did in
April 1961. I said that such conjecture was going on all the time, that any
solid-looking reports might well be a real blessing, because as talk increases
that the U.S. has the intentions, somehow, to help the people of Cuba regain
their freedom, that the people inside would get some hope. This spiritual
factor, of having hope of something better than what they are now saddled with,
is vitally important at this time.
The
President was then asked about immigration. Wouldn’t it be better to shut our
doors to the people trying to get out, so they would be forced to stay and take
action against the regime?
I
pointed out that we were still giving them only two choices: either to escape
to the U.S. and freedom, or to stay as slaves. Once we are committed to helping
them stage a revolt, provide arms, and are willing to go all the way in being
sure that they win, ten we might consider closing out doors – because we then
will be helping them gain teir freedom at home. Now with 2,000 people fleeing every week, we
would be foolish to remove this symbol of our sympathy and cut off the source
of intelligence information and recruits. We must give the Cubans the chance
and the help to free themselves.
The Attorney General then
mentioned Mary Hemingway, sommenting on reports that Castro was drinking
heavily in disgruntlement over the way things were going, and the opportunities
offered by the “shrine” to Hemingway.
I commented that this was a
conversation Ed Morrow had with Mary Hemingway, that we had similar reports
from other sources, and that this was worth assessing firmly and pursing
vigorouslly. If there are grounds for action, CIA had some invaluable assets which
might well be committed for such an effort.
McCone asked if his operational
people were aware of this: I told him that we had discussed tis, that they
agreed the subject was worth vigorous development, and that we were in
agreement that the matter was so delicate and sensitive that it shouldn’t be surfaced to the Special Group until we were ready
to go, and then not in detail.
END OF
MEMO