Sunday, August 12, 2012

Mary Bancroft "Autobiography of a Spy"





Mary Bancroft “Autobiography of a Spy” – Debutante, Writer, Confidante, Secret Agent. The True Story of Her Extraordinary Life. (William Morrow, NY, 1983)

Allen Dulles kept two things he knew from the Warren Commission that could have changed the nature of their work as well as their conclusion that the President was killed by a lone assassin and not the result of a conspiracy. The first was Dulles’ knowledge of the CIA plots to kill Cuba Premier Fidel Castro, and the second was the close association between Mary Bancroft - one of his intimate agents and Michael and Ruth Paine, the patrons of the accused assassin and his family.

If Ruth Paine was treated in the same fashion as the landlady of Lincoln’s assassin, she would have been hanged, and if the assassin happened today, or Kennedy had survived the attack, Ruth and Michael Paine would have been treated as cohorts that enabled the crime to happen and harbored the responsible terrorist.

It wasn’t until after Allen Dulles died that, with the assistance of many of her wartime OSS reports, Mary Bancroft wrote her book documenting her relationships with her stepfather – Clarence W. Barron aka “CW,” the founding publisher of the Wall Street Journal, Ruth Forbes Paine (Michael’s mom), OSS agent and CIA boss Allen Dulles, the reluctant Nazi Hans B. Insidious and her role in the Valkyrie Plot – the July 20, 1944 assassination attempt on Hitler.

Although she opens with book as a young girl in 1919 holding her father’s hand while watching a parade march down Fifth Avenue in New York City, led by Col. William J. “Wild Bill” Donovan and his regiment, C.W. Barron probably had more influence on her than anyone else, giving her an early interest in “the news” and teaching her how to keep files on index cards and to write reports.

It was C.W. who also always told her to “Write it up,…but remember that the facts are not the truth. They only indicate where the truth my lie!”

She also notes that CW expressed foreknowledge of the death of President Harding, suggesting that it wasn’t such an accidental death after all.

“I was present myself on one occasion when CW’s ‘nose’ was at work. We were playing bridge at his home in Cohasset. CW was an excellent bridge player, but on this particular evening he revoked several times and, finally flinging down his cards, said he couldn’t continue. Important news was about to break. Every ten minutes or so he sent one of his secretaries to phone the office to see what was coming in over the wires. For over an hour the secretary would report that there was nothing. Finally he returned to say there was still nothing – except that President Warren G. Harding, on a visit to California, had had crabs for dinner and was suffering from an upset stomach. ‘That’s it!’ CW exclaimed, ‘Get me the Vice President!’ Calvin Coolidge, the Vice President and a good friend of CW’s, was visiting his father at his home in Vermont. CW finally got in touch with him, told him about Harding, and added that Coolidge should stay where he was and be sworn in as President of the Untied States by his father – a notary public – preferably by candlelight as that might be more picturesque.”

Her first husband, Sherwin Badger, a Harvard grad, worked at first for United Fruit in Cuba, where they lived, and from where she dutifully sent situation reports to CW. “The only connection between the Cuba I knew and Fidel Castro,” she wrote, “was that sometimes…I rode out to those mountains in which Castro holed up with his first small band of followers before he swept over the island with his revolutionaries and threw out of office the same Batista who in our day was supposed to ‘save’ Cuba from the corruption of Machado’s government.”

As for Bancroft’s relationship with Michael Paine’s mother, she wrote (p. 54):

“Two of our Boston friends, Ruth and Lyman Paine, had moved to New York and gave wonderful parties in their West Side apartment. We met a lot of their friends, mostly in the arts. Ruth was a painter. Lyman, an architect, was interested in what he termed ‘the ultimate reality,’ which I interpreted as my old friend, Truth. Lyman and I had endless discussions about this ultimate reality while sipping highballs of bathtub gin and ginger ale that would have taken the varnish off a table if they had happened to spill. Usually one of the guests played the piano while others argued or danced. Some couples occasionally disappeared for protracted periods of time.”

“Those were the days of Judge Ben Landsey of Colorado proclaiming his theories of companionate or trial marriage and of Bertrand Russell trumpeting the joys of free love. There was plenty of experimenting with different partners and a general feeling that to suppress one’s desires could well be responsible for the alarming increase in cancer. Certainly none of us wanted to risk getting cancer. Many years later when the so-called sexual revolution hit this country and there was such lamenting over the habits and customs of the young, I couldn’t understand why everyone was so excited. With the sole exception of the use of hard drugs, particularly heroin, I couldn’t see that the young were behaving any differently from my generation.”

“In the meantime, among the people we had met at the Paines’ parties were Marya Mannes, a talented writer, and her brother Leopold, a pianist and composer then working with Leopold Godowsky on a process of color photography that eventually became known as Kodachrome. Leopold’s wife, Edie, was also a painter. Through them we met Marya and Leopold’s parents. Clara Mannes, a formidable lady and fine painter, was the sister of Walter Damrosch, for many years conductor of the New York Philharmonic. David Mannes, an excellent violinist, was at the time conducting free concerts at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Together they ran the Mannes School…”

“Toward the end of the summer of 1930 I went up to spend a few days with Ruth Paine at her family’s summer home on Naushon Island off the coast of Massachusetts. One afternoon we sailed over to see Leopold and Edie Mannes at their home on Martha’s Vineyard…I never really lost touch with Leopold until his death at a comparatively early age. By then he had completed the invention of Kodachrome and paid off his backers. His last years were consumed largely by the problems of his family’s music school and by the obligations of his second marriage to a women of whom his mother thoroughly approved.”

“Although my relationship with Leopold had not worked out as I had hoped, my marriage to Sherwin was defiantly over. I got a divorce in Reno and in the summer of 1933…went abroad with Ruth Paine. We planned to spend the entire time at St. Jean-de-Luz in France, near the Spanish frontier, for neither of us could envisage a summer that didn’t encompass being by the sea.”

“Early in July we sailed on one of the ships of the French Line bound for Bordeaux…”

It was on this cruise that Bancroft met her future husband Jean Rufenacht, a French-Swiss businessman based in Zurich.

“Ever since the Reichstag fire of February 27, 1933, and the subsequent Enabling Act of March 23, giving the German government complete freedom of action without regard to parliamentary or constitutional limitations, the Swiss had watched with growing apprehension the antics of their powerful northern neighbor. What was happening in Germany was a constant preoccupation of everyone we met…During the night of June 30, 1934 – known as the ‘Night of the Long Knives’ – the Nazis murdered several hundred people, including former Chancellor General Kurt von Schleicher and his wife, and also Hitler’s close personal friend Ernst Roehm, head of the SA, the notorious Nazi storm troops…”

“On the eve of their departure, King Alexander of Yugoslavia and Louis Barthou, the French Foreign Minister, were assassinated in Marsilles…I was amazed there was no mention of the assassination of King Alexander and Barthou in the local press…The way everyone we met – and we met a great many people from all walks of life – had apparently obliterated from their consciousness anything that might have touched on unpleasant reality convinced me that the Germans who later claimed they knew nothing about the concentration camps were not necessarily lying. The real reason they had not known what was happening was quite simply that they hadn’t wanted to know.”

“It was certainly lucky that I had developed a much more sophisticated point of view, without losing sight of the basic moral values and ideals I had been raised to believe in, by the time Allen Dulles crossed the Swiss frontier and enlisted my services in his wartime intelligence activities. For if there was one thing my work during the war convinced me of, it was essential to have a very clear-cut idea of your own moral values, so that if you were forced by necessity to break them, you were fully conscious of what you were doing and why.”

“I realized quite early in my work for the Office of Strategic Services that I must never have any dealings with an enemy of whatever nationality whom I could not imagine liking as an individual if there had not been a war on. If I didn’t like a contact, it might mean, at least in my case, that my judgment of the information I was receiving might be clouded by my personal dislike of the person providing it. An example of this was when a deserter from the German Army, a nasty little man with shifty eyes and a sleazy manner, showed up one day at our apartment with the maps of a dozen German airfield that he wanted to sell to the Americans. My distaste for him was such that I didn’t feel able to evaluate objectively either the plans or his motive in trying to sell them to me. Yet, realizing the value of the maps if authentic, I told him I had no idea about such things and gave him the name of an OSS man at the American consulate whom I felt would be far better equipped than I to deal with him.”

“The first thing I did after our return from Germany…to catch up on the news of the assassination of King Alexander and Louis Barthou in the newspapers and magazines that had accumulated during our absence. By the time I had finished reading all the political commentaries, biographical sketches, and dire predictions of various pendants....I had developed an interest in Yugoslavia, which was to continue all during the war, until my file on Yugoslavia actually became second in size only to my file on Germany….”

In Switzerland, Bancroft also developed an interest in Carl Gustav Jung, read his books, attended his lectures and became a closely affiliated student.

“In 1936 Jung had published an article entitled ‘Wotan,’ which had caused a great deal of controversy. But I felt that his thesis, namely that the archetypes of the old, primitive, Teutonic gods had broken loose and were affecting the behavior of the entire German nation, was valid. In other words, a whole country had been seized by madness in very much the same way an individual goes insane. This seemed to me then - and still seems to me today – the only possible explanation of such an otherwise incomprehensible and tragic phenomenon.”

“On Tuesday evening, September 27, there was a blackout in Switzerland and the Swiss Air Force droned incessantly overhead. Neville Chamberlain, on BCC, said in a tired voice that things looked hopeless, although he found it inconceivable that Europe should be plunged into war merely because a small country was threatened by a big and powerful neighbor. He then proceeded to outline the largest principle for which England would fight: to prevent any country from imposing it’s will on another by threat of force.”

“Through Don Bigelow, the First Secretary of the American legation in Bern, and Gerald Mayer, a representative of the Office of Coordinator of Information, Bancroft met Allen Dulles, the newly arrived head of the American intelligence service in Switzerland.”

“I still had difficulty believing that this cheery, extroverted man was actually engaged in intelligence work. I thought of spies as grim-faced gimlet-eyed characters wearing gray felt hats with flipped-down brims and belted raincoats with turned-up collars. However the idea intrigued me. Maybe my childhood dreams of excitement and adventure were about to come true. I remembered the motto on a set of children’s books I had once peddled from door to door in New Jersey:

What the child admired
The youth endeavored.
And the man acquired.”

“Was I actually to become a spy at last?”

“I took an afternoon train over to Bern, reaching there about six o’clock. By that time I had unearthed some further facts about Allen Dulles. He was a Princeton graduate, a Republican, the son of Presbyterian clergyman from upstate New York. He and his bother, John Foster, were partners in the prestigious Wall Street law firm, Sullivan and Cromwell. He had held various positions in the State Department and had actually worked on Woodrow Wilson’s famous Fourteen Points at the peace conference after World War I – his uncle, Robert Lansing, having been Secretary of State in Wilson’s cabinet. He had begun his career as a teacher in India, but that seemed to be the only exotic touch in an otherwise conventional curriculum vitae.”

 “In Bern I went….out and walked along under the arcades, past the tower with its clock and the fountain with its Kinderfresser, the monster who devoured children, to Allen’s ground-floor apartment in one of the beautiful old houses that lined the Herrengasse.”

Bancroft is greeted by Dulles’ butler, Pierre, a French-Swiss, who later “was to confide in me that as far as the war effort was concerned, ‘Mr. Dulles has his role. I have mine. You see, madame, he is a gentleman. He understands nothing.”

“Allen, appearing from a nearby room, ushered me into a study with wood-paneled walls and dark red draperies framing the windows that looked out over the terraced garden that extended down to the river Aar. Two comfortable armchairs were drawn up in front of the fireplace which a fire was burning – a luxury that only diplomats could afford in those days. Against the wall opposite the fireplace was a sofa that matched the armchairs and above the sofa, a vitrine in which the most conspicuous object was a large, white porcelain fish. If that fish had been able to talk, he certainly would have told some of the most interesting anecdotes of World War II….”

“We had recently learned that there was a homosexual underground operating among the Foreign Offices of England, Switzerland, Greece and our own State Department, and through which information traveled more rapidly than by the channels of the Catholic Church an various Jewish organizations….”

“In my innocence, I imagined that my new job would be just an extension of the work I had been doing for Gerry plus copies of my personal journal entries and anything I learned talking with people coming from Germany or the occupied countries, or anything of significance I spotted in the large number of foreign publications available in Switzerland. I could see how I might be useful in meeting people that he might not have time for or consider of sufficient interest to meet personally. I never dreamed of the kind of activity I would eventually become involved in, nor what a leap forward I would take in my education as a result.”

“…my feeling for Allen was much deeper than my feeling for Leopold had been, partly because I was older and had spent so much time working with Professor Jung to learn about myself, but more importantly because of how perfectly Allen and I could work together. The speed with which he could think, the ingenuity with which he could find solutions to even the most complicated problems, were thrilling to me. I had never before found anyone who reacted as quickly to everything, and this was tremendously exhilarating to me.”

“Throughout the war Allen called me every morning at exactly 9:20 and in very few words indicated what he wanted me to do, where I should go, whom I should see. Anyone listening in on our conversations wouldn’t have had the least idea of what we were talking about, for they were a combination of American slang and ridiculous names for people and places. If during the day I had to call him because there had been some new development or someone I was supposed to meet had failed to show up at the expected rendezvous, I never ceased to be amazed at the speed with which he caught the drift of what I was trying to convey and how quickly he could exercise judgment about the best way to handle even the most ticklish situations. In short, I had perfect confidence in him and an overwhelming admiration for his abilities.”

Among her colleagues in Switzerland were journalists Francois Bondy and Bob Jungk, as well as socialist Anna Siemsen, of whom Bancroft wrote: “It may seem to those nourished on the exploits of James Bond, the spy novels of John Le Carre and Graham Greene, to say nothing of the factual postwar memoirs of feats of derring-do, that the journalistic activities of Bob and Francois and the views of Anna Sienmsen have little to do with intelligence work. But intelligence is a mosaic. General material about background and people’s interrelationships can be both illuminating and important. Quite often missing pieces of the mosaic emerge that make a previously incomprehensible picture unexpectedly clear.”

“I very quickly learned the importance of personal relationships, how important it was to win people’s trust and confidence. Once this trust and confidence had been established, their own contacts would be opened up to me….”

“On my weekly visits to Bern, our evenings together usually followed the same general pattern: drinks, dinner, then a discussion of my reports and the preparation of his nightly phone call to the States. When all the business was out of the way, we’d engage in a bit of dalliance before I made my way back in the blackout to the hotel. On those occasions I was impressed by how we were never disturbed. No phone calls. No visitors. He might not have been a good administrator, but he obviously knew how to protect his privacy. But one evening just as we had finished with business and had begun to thoroughly enjoy ourselves, the doorbell rang. Allen put his left hand over my mouth, reaching for a pad and pencil on the night table at the head of the bed, he scrawled, DON”T MOVE, DON’T MAKE A SOUND. The doorbell rang again. Then there was a pause, then another ring…More minutes passed until there was banging on the door…Another ten minutes passed and there was the faint sound of the outside door o the vestibule closing…”

While Bancroft suspects the visitor was someone she knew at the embassy, Dulles himself later told the story to a group of new CIA recruits, and noted that he later learned the visitor was Leon Trotsky, who was searching out for Dulles to give some extremely valuable information. Lesson learned.

Then one day Dulles told Bancroft, “He puffed on his pipe for a few moments, then said, ‘There’s this German….I’ve known an awful lot of people in my life, but never anyone quite like him. He’s a member of the Canaris organization – the intelligence service of the German Army known as the Abwehr. He’s brought me a fantastic story. My office is piled high with denunciations of him as a double agent. But he can’t get anything out of me, I don’t know what’s being planned at Allied headquarters…I’m inclined to believe his story, but you can never be sure. He’s not the kind of person to whom you can offer money; money doesn’t interest him. But he does have one weakness. He has written a book about his experiences in the Third Reich. He wants this book translated so that it will be ready for publication the minute the war ends. I want you to translate it.”


                                                              Hans Bernard Gisevius


“The manuscript was bound in three thick volumes, clearly labeled in the best German tradition: The Burning of the Reichstag, the Thirteenth of June, The Fritsch-Blombert Crisis….a fourth volume was listed: Reinhard Heydrich: the Story of a Futile Terror.”

“Gradually, I became familiar with contents of Gisevius’s book. In 1933, after passing his bar examination and planning to make a career in government service, he ha applied for a position in the Prussian Ministry of the Interior and had been recommended by Undersecretary Grauert, whom he knew slightly, to Rudolph Diels, the newly appointed chief of the Prussian Geheime Staatspolizei. It had not taken Gisevius long to discover that extraordinary things were happening in this department, and he had set about getting himself transferred out of it as quickly as possible. In the meantime, he had become friends with Arthur Nebe, his immediate superior and noted criminologist, whom the Nazis had retained when they had discovered that their own thugs were incapable of professional police work.”

“Eventually, they uncovered enough evidence indicating that the Nazis themselves, not the Communists as the Nazis had proclaimed, had set fire to the Reichstag…Gisevius’s detailed account of the way in which General von Fritsch had been removed as Commander-in-Chief of the Army on a trumped-up charge of homosexuality was a first….But what made Gisevius’s manuscript such dynamite was his description of the many attempts by various generals and highly placed civilians to organize a coup d’etat. Initially, these conspirators planned their putsch to take over the government simply by removing Hitler from office. Later they realized hat they would have to kill him if anything as complicated as a coup d’etat were to succeed.”

“Within the group of conspirators were such men as Dr. Hjalmar Schacht, president of the Reichsbank; Ulrich von Hassell, the German ambassador to Rome; Carl Goerdeler, the former mayor of Leipzig; clergymen like Dietrich Bonhoeffer; lawyers; labor leaders; professors; a group of young idealists known as the Kreisau Circle gathered around Count Helmuth von Moltke and various military men like Field Marshal Erwin von Witzeleben, General Ludwig Beck, and General Franz Halder, chief of the German General Staff. The conspiracy had the blessings of Admiral Canaris, head of the Abwehr, although his subordinate, Colonel Hans Oster, acted as the coordinator of the activities of the conspirators. A small number of Abwehr members actively served as couriers This Abwehr connections was absolutely essential. The Gestapo did not dare touch the intelligence service of the German Army and Abwehr members could travel freely.”

“After Heinrich Himmler had coordinated the police of the Reich, Nebe was made an SS general and played an extremely important role in the conspiracy. He was able to warn the conspirators of the activities of the Gestapo and to prevent anything that might arouse suspicions being brought to Himmler’s attention.”

“By the time I finished reading Gisevius’s book, had to gotten to know him better, and had realized that there was actually an active opposition at work within Germany itself, I could understand what he was doing in Switzerland. I told Allen it all made sense to me. Difficult as it might be to believe, the conspirators actually hoped that if they got rid of Hitler, they would be able to take over the whole country and to negotiate peace with the Anglo-Americans. Their hopes went even further: They envisaged the western Allies joining them in a crusade against Russia – and communism. Gisevius had been sent to Switzerland to get in touch with the western allies. Other emissaries were making similar contacts in Sweden and elsewhere.”

“Gisevius was very anxious to meet Jung and have Jung read his book....I told Jung that whenever I wanted Gisevius to phone, all I had to do was to think about him for about ten minutes. Then the phone would ring and he would ask, ‘Yes? What is it? I just got your message to call!’ Jung was very interested in this phenomenon and asked me to keep close track of it for him. Allen, of course, thought it crazy…”

“Stauffenberg insisted that after the assassination the question of purges must be handled with extreme care. He ha no objection to punishing the Nazi and Gestapo killers, but he would not permit any of the field marshals to be condemned because of their spineless attitude toward Hitler’s invasions….Gisevius said that only a broad purge would convince the Allies that there had been a fundamental change rather than merely a tactical shift….”

“Hitler’s conferences were often held in an underground bunker. The explosive force of the bomb had been calculated with that in mind. But on July 20 Hitler, with his deadly intuition probably at work, had ordered the conference held in a wooden-reinforced conference barracks. When Stauffenberg had arrived at headquarters, he had placed the briefcase containing the bomb under the table over which Hitler was learning. At an auspicious moment, through a prearranged signal with Von Haeften, Stauffenberg had had himself called to the phone. With a quick movement of the foot, he had set the bomb mechanism and left the room. He and Von Haeften were not more than a hundred yards away when there was a thunderous explosion. They saw flames and several bodies, as well as part of the barracks, shoot into the air. They raced for their car and in the general confusion, were able to reach the airport and take off for Berlin. In the meantime, Olbricht had been given the code word over the telephone. In the few seconds between the time Stauffenberg had left the room and the bomb exploded, someone had moved the briefcase containing the bomb far enough away from where Hitler was standing so that he was protected from the full force of the explosion by the massive structure of the oak table over which he had been leaning.”

“When Olbricht had received the code word, Valkyrie, he had stormed into Fromm’s office and told him he had just received word that the Fuhrer had been the victim of an assassination. Fromm’s duty was to immediately issue the code word for internal disorder to the various deputy headquarters indicating that the power of the state had passed into the hands of the army.”
                                         
“While Gisevius was still being filled in by Beck, Stauffenberg, accompanied by Olbricht, had gone to Fromm’s office an told him that Hitler was dead and that he, Stauffenberg, was able to confirm this Nevertheless, Fromm chose to believe Keitel’s report and tried to place Stauffenberg and Olbricht under arrest. Olbricht protested, ‘You can’t arrest us. You don’t seem to realize who has the power now. We arrest you!’”

“A radio statement about the failure of the assassination had been made, Olbricht said. No details, not a word about who the assassin had been, were given. Olbricht now had no doubts that Hitler was still alive. Furthermore, he had learned that Hitler was having tea with Mussolini, who, in another one of those incredible coincidences of that fantastic day, had chosen that particular moment to pay a call on the Fuhrer.”

“…The Grossdeutschland Guards Battalion and its Commander, Major Otto Remer, had been alerted and ordered to arrest Goebbels. At that very moment, however, Remer was marching instead on the Bendlerstrasse to arrest the conspirators….Actually, at this moment, Gisevius pointed out, the thirty-year-old Major Remer was probably the single most important army officer in Germany. The minute Remer arrived in Goebbels’s office, Goebbels put through a cal to the Fuhrer’s headquarters and handed the phone to Remer. Hitler himself was on the other end. Countless young majors had never spoken to Hitler. But just a few weeks before Remer had talked with Hitler personally when the latter had conferred on him an oak-leaf cluster to the Iron Cross. Here was no doubt in Remer’s mind that he was talking to Hitler. When the Fuhrer charged him with the responsibility of crushing the putsch, that was all that Remer needed.”

“That evening the Struencks and Gisevius sat around the radio. For an hour there were announcements that Hitler would speak to the people, but the broadcast was repeatedly postponed. Then, in the early-morning hours, the music stopped abruptly and the announcer declared. ‘The Fuhrer will speak!”

“With the first words it was obvious that he voice was Hitler’s. The putsch was over. The problem for Gisevius and the Struencks was what to do next.”



                                      Gisevius testifying at Nuremberg - Sent Goering to the Gallows

“After the war, Schacht called Gisevius as a witness for him at Nuremberg…Wilhelm Frick, the Minister of Interior, also called Gisevius as a witness, and apparently never noticed that Gisevius’s testimony only helped to hang him. However, Gisevius’s testimony against Goering was the most devastating he gave. Goering realized that almost at once, but his lawyer didn’t, and he continued to question Gisevius until Goering passed him a note. Later, Gisevius was able to get that piece of paper. On it was written Schluss Machen! (‘Knock it off!’).”

“Gisevius married his Fraulein Braut, spent some time in Texas, then returned to Germany where he published several more books, he finally settled on the lake of Geneva near Vevey. We kept in touch until his death in 1974. In his very last letter to me, he enclosed, at my request, a copy of the official floor plan of the Ministry of  War on the Bendlerstrasse so that I could figure out to my own satisfaction who had been where during the horrendous events of the twentieth of July. In that letter he observed sarcastically that he could not see just what practical use this floor plan would be to me now.”

“It would seem that every generation has to have its war. World War II was certainly mine. It changed me, my life, my whole outlook on the world. I have never been able to see anything in the same way since.”

“As I come to the end of this story about the first fifty years of my life, I can’t help wondering what….CW…would have to say about it all. CW…would advise, ‘Write it up, Mary! Write it all up!. Then he would add his usual admonition, ‘But remember that facts are not the truth. They only indicate where the truth may lie!’”





Liz Smith Column on Valkyrie Plot


JFK Assassination ‘Confession’ – NY Post Jan. 6, 2009
www.nypost.com/p/.../liz_smith/item_ymeevc7p3qWQHkltFqRCLJ
Jan 6, 2009 – By LIZ SMITH. Liz Smith on the JFK Assasination

'YEAH, I HAD the son of a bitch killed. I'm glad I did. I'm sorry I couldn't have done it myself!"

These were the words of Carlos Marcello, the Mafia godfather of Louisiana and Texas. And he was talking about the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.

Marcello's startling admission is in uncensored FBI files at the National Archives, detailed for the first time in a new encyclopedic book "Legacy of Secrecy." I have been referring to this work off and on for years while the author, Lamar Waldron, completed his investigation into the murders of John and Robert Kennedy and also into the death of Dr. Martin Luther King.

Waldron's 848-page tome was published in November. It caps 20 years of research that began in 1988 when he didn't know that Marcello had confessed to JFK's murder back in 1985. The FBI kept this fact a secret for more than two decades while "conspiracy theorists" ranged all over the place. And . . . the Warren Commission released its fairy-tale version of the death of JFK at the hands of a lone assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald.

IN 1963, only weeks after JFK was killed, the FBI questioned 14 Marcello mob associates. Yet the godfather's name doesn't even appear in the Warren Report. This secrecy, it seems, was all because of Cuba. (And that info is contained in Waldron's first incredible book, "Ultimate Sacrifice.")

In their massive war against the Mafia, President Kennedy and his brother Attorney General Robert Kennedy were never able to convict any members of the Marcello crime family. And Marcello didn't make his admission of guilt until he was serving a long prison sentence as a result of an FBI sting called BRILAB. The FBI also carried on a sting against Marcello with the code name CAMTEX.

The FBI groomed an informant who became Carlos Marcello's cellmate. These tapes have never been released but they reveal the godfather standing in the prison yard, flying into a rage and cussing the Kennedys.

Marcello confessed that he'd also met Lee Harvey Oswald and brought him into the plot via that Louisiana character David Ferrie, a person notably played by actor Joe Pesci in Oliver Stone's conspiracy movie "JFK." Marcello also admitted that it was he who had set up Jack Ruby "in the bar business in Dallas." (As we know, Ruby did his bit for the Marcello plot when he killed Lee Harvey Oswald before he could implicate anyone else.)

There is now massive evidence, compiled by the House Select Committee on Assassinations, which concluded in 1979 that Marcello "had the motive, means and opportunity to have the president assassinated."

YOU MAY WONDER why the FBI and CIA withheld information from the committee.

By the time of JFK's murder, dozens of Marcello associates had infiltrated a CIA operation code-named AMWORLD, a project started by JFK himself. Writer Waldron revealed this back in 2005. This was the CIA's top-secret plan to cooperate with Cuba's army commander, Juan Almeida, to stage a coup against Fidel Castro on Dec. 1, 1963.
That was 10 days after JFK's trip to Dallas.

(The CIA and the Joint Chiefs of Staff even referred to the World War II plot to kill Hitler as their role model for getting rid of Castro. You can see that story told by Tom Cruise in the new movie ‘Valkyrie.’).

AMWORLD files show that these conspirators wanted to shoot Castro while he was riding in an open jeep. Marcello's men used that idea to kill JFK in an open car in Dallas. They then planted phony evidence implicating Castro.

After Dallas, powers that be, confused and disoriented, felt that exposing all they really knew about JFK's assassination might well trigger a third world war, as it was only a year after we had escaped nuclear devastation in the Cuban Missile Crisis.

Commander Almeida is still high in command in Cuba although he was under house arrest in the early '90s. Today, he is the No. 3 official in Cuba. Yet shortly after JFK's death, Castro had Che Guevara put under house arrest on suspicion of being the coup leader against him. This triggered a series of events that would eventually lead to the iconic revolutionary leader's death in Bolivia. (You can see that story in the Steven Soderbergh movie "Che." The title role is notably played by actor Benicio Del Toro.)
NOBODY SEEMS ever to have completely solved the Mafia-type hit murders leveled at Chicago mob boss Sam Giancana and the popular mob lieutenant Johnny Rosselli. But this indicates to me that these mobsters, who were involved in JFK's plot to get rid of Castro, were rubbed out by Marcello associates simply because they seemed to be helping the Kennedys.

The 50th anniversary of the Cuban Revolution was Jan. 1. Commander Almeida again seems to escape Castro's revenge and he is believed able even yet to play a role in resolving the impasse between the US and Cuba.

Higgins Memo Re: CIA Briefing of JCS


http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/...amp;relPageId=5

OFFICE OF THE SPECIAL ASSISTANT FOR
COUNTERINSURGENCY AND SPECIAL ACTIVITY

25 September 1963

MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD

Subject: Briefing by Mr. Desmond FitzGerald on
CIA Cuban Operations and Planning

• 1. At the JCS meeting at 1400 on 25 September, Mr. Desmond FitzGerald briefed the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

• 2. Except for General Taylor and Admiral McDonald, the Joint Chiefs were present, as were the Directors and Secretariat. Colonel Higgins from SACSA was the only other officer in attendance.

• 3. General LeMay opened the meeting by referring to papers recently discussed by the Joint Chiefs on policy and actions concerning military support of the CIA for operations against Cuba. General LeMay expressed the JCS position as had been reflected in the memoranda to Mr. Vance which in effect is that the Joint Chiefs do not believe that the operations to date are of a size and importance enough to justify the use of military support for protection.

• 4. Mr. FitzGerald then discussed his personal feelings as to changed conditions in Cuba. Essentially, he believes that Castro's hold in Cuba has been seriously weakened since last July. He believes that the minor raids conducted by the CIA have contributed to this deterioration in Castro's influence and stability. He is firmly convinced that Castro will fall at some future, not too distant, date, and that such actions as the CIA are conducting, as well as those of exiles, are contributing to unrest and unsettlement.

• 5. Mr. FitzGerald, in commenting upon criteria as to when the military support should be provided, offered the following. The greatest danger from his point of view is that the mother ships may be captured rather than be sunk. This will result in the capture of crewmen who have too much information and which could result in dangerous publicity for the United States. The location of these raids contributes to the possibility of capture. Hence, only when the raids are conducted in the more vulnerable areas from that point of view, is it likely that the CIA will request military support. He further stated that CIA has no intention of requesting aid for the coming raid.

• 6. General LeMay questioned the danger of capture in view of the capabilities of Cubans and ridiculed the idea that small motor boats should have the capability of such a ship.

• 7. General LeMay and others gave opinions concerning such technicalities as the capability of radar both on land and in the air, capability of ship radar of the U.S. and Cuba, the speed of the mother ship, which was cited as 10 to 12 knots, and other related items.

• 8. Mr. FitzGerald made much of the Cuban volatile nature. He cited that many Cubans are now walking with their heads up and alert because of the realization that there are possibilities of raids and other outside supports, such as the light aircraft raids. He voiced the opinion that Castro would probably take desperate measures as his situation further deteriorates and would turn to creating revolutions in Latin America. He stated that even though his operations may be considered only minor, he thought they were doing about as much as could be done under the present policies. One of his problems was that he felt there was only a total of 50 logical targets and if he conducted as many as 10 raids a month, he would be unable to sustain the build-up of Cuban hopes. He further stated that there were times when certain types of raids were more favorable than others; for instance, on sugar centrals.

• 9. In responding to the question concerning the non-attributality of U.S. equipment, he stated that all equipment they use could be bought on the open market in many countries, even though it was of American origin. He stated that intelligence was not as good yet as they would like to have; however, they are having greater success in having agents enter and depart Cuba.

• 10. General Wheeler injected that he sympathizes with such planners as Mr. FitzGerald because he realizes that many good ideas are never accepted by the cautious policy makers. However, Mr. FitzGerald reported that he believes he had a clearer go-ahead on these operations than he has ever had in his past experience.

• 11. Mr. FitzGerald said that over the next two or three months his plans include critical targets of three classes: electrical systems, sugar centrals, and oil. He cited that electrical systems, although a top priority and a key to the economy, were very difficult targets. The sugar centrals were only of a seasonal nature because unless hit at the peak season, they could be repaired without difficulty or loss of time. In regard to oil, the refineries are most important but were also toughest to hit.

• 12. In response to a comment by General Shoup regarding the sabotage of mines Mr. FitzGerald said there had been a recent case of internal sabotage in a mine. He then explained how the success of his operations can only be measured when internal sabotage is increased. In response to a question, he admitted that there was not any coordination as yet with the internal sabotage program.

• 13. He commented that there was nothing new in the propaganda field. However, he felt that there had been great success in getting closer to the military personnel who might break with Castro, and stated that there were at least ten high-level military personnel who are talking with CIA but as yet are not talking to each other, since that degree of confidence has not yet developed. He considers it as a parallel in history; i.e., the plot to kill Hitler; and this plot is being studied in detail to develop an approach.

• 14. General LeMay then questioned the advisability of utilizing a communication technique to install a radio capability which would permit break-in on Castro broadcasts. He stated that an Air Force officer named McElroy was available to talk to Mr. FitzGerald on the matter, and Mr. FitzGerald accepted this offer.

• 15. The conference closed with General LeMay directing that Mr. FitzGerald's planners meet with General Krulak's people and work out the details as to how the military can assist in supporting these operations. After Mr. FitzGerald departed, General LeMay gave added directions to Colonel Higgins to initiate necessary steps for planning.

• 16. After the JCS meeting Admiral Riley called Colonel Higgins into his office and read a letter from Mr. McGeorge Bundy which discussed secrecy measures necessary related to Cuba CIA operations. Admiral Riley directed Colonel Higgins to have the nature of this letter put out through SACSA control to SACSA contact points to insure an adequate system for secrecy within the military services. Admiral Riley stated he was returning the letter to Mr. Gilpatric as he did not want written communication by SACSA, but to put this out orally. This was transmitted to Colonel Wyman who will take the action to prepare an appropriate memorandum for the record to be filed with General Ingelido in accordance with further direction by Admiral Riley.

• 17. General Wheeler, Chief of Staff of the Army, called and questioned us concerning SACSA's access for the knowledge of such operations as mentioned in the McGeorge Bundy letter. I advised him that our Pendulum system was in being but that I would look into it in greater detail to determine that it met the letter as well as the spirit of the memorandum. I stated I believed this was so but had not had reason to do it until this date and therefore did not give him a positive answer at that time.

WALTER M. HIGGINS, JR.
Colonel, USA


 [September 25, 1963 Joint Chiefs of Staff Memo for the Record, Walter Higgins, Briefing by Mr. Desmond Fitzgerald on CIA Cuban Operations and Planning, JFK Collection, (JCS Papers, J-3,#29 NARA. Riff202-10001-10028)
[http://www.maryferre...mp;relPageId=5]]

[Higgins may have also wrote the Memo for a Aug. 5, 1963 briefing of JCS – Memo by Col. Walter M. Higgins, Jr., Executive Officer, SACSA, briefing of JCS by Fitzgerald, Aug. 5, 1963, box 1, RG 218, JCS Records, JFK Assassination Records Collection (NA);]


THIS MAY BE THE BUNDY MEMO RE: SECURITY OF CUBAN OPS


Bundy, Security Memo on Covert Cuban Operations; Sept. 24, 1963

http://www.maryferre...mp;relPageId=20

THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON

September 23, 1963

SECRET EYES ONLY

MEMORANDUM FOR MEMBERS OF THE SPECIAL GROUP

SUBJECT: Covert Operations Against Cuba – Security Within the Government

As you know, in August the U.S. Government directed two “exile” raids against targets in Cuba. From the evidence now available, it appears that our security, with respect to U.S. participation in these operations, was excellent.

While there will always be public speculation as to the extent of U.S. involvement in raids of this type, I think we would all agree readily that it is important that there be only speculation and no direct knowledge. Unfortunately, the maintenance of a high degree of security is not a simple matter in view of the numbers of people within the Government who have to know a little or much about a U.S. – directed raid against Cuba.

For example, without counting CIA personnel and secretarial and staff personnel of other agencies, there were probably over 20 people in the Executive Branch who knew details of the August raids while many other people were generally acquainted with the U.S. involvement. Among others, the Navy knew where the attack boats were going; the Coast Guard, Customs, and INS knew about the “comings and goings” of the raiders; a few DOD people, who had to procure special equipment for the raids, could presumably surmise that something was going on somewhere and a few intelligence watch officers and press officers were told for their background, that the U.S. Government as aware of the raids.

I think there are two important, if obvious, security lessons we have learned from the August raids - - one, that it is in the nature of the problem that many people probably have to know something about such raids; and two, that these people apparently can maintain adequate security. At the same time, in view of the truth that security leaks were more likely to occur when substantial numbers of persons are involved, it seems essential to me that we constantly convey the high importance of security to others who are privy to information about our covert activities against Cuba. May I ask that members of the Special Group take such steps within their areas of authority as they think appropriate, and may I in particular urge that the Central Intelligence Agency, as executive agent for these enterprises, emphasize the importance of security to all those with whom it has necessary business on these matters, so that we can maintain the high level of security set in these recent operations.

Signed
McGeorge Bundy 



THIS IS A LIST OF THOSE IN THE DOD WITH ACCESS TO CUBAN OPS PLANNING


JCS
202-10001-10055
J-3
DOC 56
OSD
DOD ACCESS LIST CUBA PLAYERS
10/21/63
1 page
CUBA CONTINGENCY PLANNING
PAPER, TEXTUAL DOCUMENT
OPEN IN FULL
OPEN

04/17/98

DOD Access List – Cuba Planning

21 October 1963

DOD ACCESS LIST – CUBA PLANNING

Chairman's Office
General Taylor
Maj Gen Goodpaster (Husband of Anne Goodpasture of CIA) 
Col Roger
Mr. R. Day
Mr. F. Kearney
Lt. Col Smith

Director's Office
VAdml Riley
Maj Gen Reynolds
Maj Gen Manhart
Col Erwin
Lt Col Hutchins
LCdr Hilton
Maj Dorsey

Secretary's Office
Brig Gen Ingelido
Col Forbes
Capt Law
Miss Ruth Hunter

SACEA
Maj Gen Krulak
Col Higgins 

Col. Xxxx – Strozier
Capt Eggeman
Col Wyman
Col Hawkins (Wrote Bay of Pigs report) 
Miss Grace Sciacca
Mrs. Carolyn Kercheval
Miss Linda Sadler
Cpl Gould

DOD Executive Agent
For Cuban Affairs
Secretary Vance
Mr. Califano
Lt Col Haig 

Miss Myrtle Davis

CINCLANT
Adm H. F. Smith
VAdm R.C. Needham
RAdm J.W. Leverton
Capt J.E. Pond
Capt F.E. Hartman
Capt L. A. Kurtz
Lt Col M.A. Foster, USAF
Cmdr F. J. Winkerhieser

Army
Gen. Wheeler
Lt Gen Johnson
Maj Gen Alger
Col Blanchard
Col Bond
Lt Col Baldwin
Lt Col Woolard
Lt Col Garrett
Mrs. Marie Nier
Miss Mary Hnnig

Navy
Adm McDonald
VAdm Ward
VAdm Ramidge
RAdm Jackson
RAdm Taylor (Dir. ONI) 
RAdm Stream
Capt Packard
Capt Hatch
LCdr Bublitz
LCdr Saunders
Lt Dahl
Mr. DeMille (CIV)
YNC Hover

Air Force
Gen LeMay 
Lt Gen Burchinal
Maj Gen Carpenter
Maj Gen Worden
Col Van Duyn
Lt Col Christensen
Lt Col Puchrik
Maj Stutzer
Miss Spruill

Marine Corps
Gen Shoup
Lt Gen Hayes
Lt Gen Greene
Maj Gen Buse
Brig Gen xxxx Quilter
Col Simmons
Lt Col Finn

J-3
Maj Gen Unger
RAdm Chew
Capt Moody
Capt Turner 



July 20, 1944 - November 22, 1963


Original article: http://www.truthmove.org/home/


JULY 20, 1944 – NOVEMBER 22, 1963

The July 20, 1944 plot to kill Adolph Hitler and the November 22, 1963 assassination of President Kennedy are separated by nearly two decades in time, yet they are entwined by a number of common attributes, indeed some of the same individuals were involved in both dramas.

Dr. Wilhelm Keutemeyer, Dr. Hans Bernd Gisevius, Mary Bancroft and Allen Dulles were four participants in the July 20, 1944 attempt to kill Hitler who also became players in the Dealey Plaza tragedy.

When Lee Harvey Oswald was identified as a suspect in the assassination, it was immediately determined that he had spent the previous night at the home of Ruth Hyde and Michael Paine. How did the Oswalds come to meet the Paines? We learn they met through the seemingly innocent, yet suspicious efforts of a German immigrant, Volkmar Schmidt.

Volkmar Schmidt was at the time an employee of Magnolia Oil Labs and was a friend and associate of George DeMohrenschildt, who encouraged Schmidt to meet Oswald. A party was set up at Schmidt’s house, which he shared with two other young men who worked in the same business, Everitt Glover and the son of one the founders of Radio Free Europe, Richard Pierce.

Schmidt was recruited in Germany by Magnolia Labs, a branch of the Magnolia Oil Company whose president from 1933 until 1945 was D.A. Little. His widow was bilked by Jim Braden and his sidekick (Victor Emmanuel Pereira), who were branded “The Honeymooners” when Braden was kicked out of Dallas for vagrancy by Sheriff Bill Decker when Braden was living at the widow’s Turtle Creek home. Braden was then taken into custody as a suspicious person at Dealey Plaza by Decker’s deputy. By then Magnolia had been bought up by a bigger fish – Mobil Oil.

DeMohrenschildt’s friend Vollkmar Schmidt was recruited in Germany by Magnolia Oil and they decided to have a party so Schmidt and Michael Paine could meet Oswald.

Schmidt arranged a party at his place so Paine could meet Oswald, but neither Schmidet nor Michael Paine were there (though Marina did meet Ruth Paine), so a second party was held (February 20) at DeMohrenschilt’s apartment.

According to Edward J. Epstein (in Legend, McGraw-Hill, 1978 p.204) and a telephone interview with Volkmar Schmidt (Bill Kelly interview with Volkmar Schmidt – Jan. 1995), it was a monumental meeting for both men.

Sitting across a table from Oswald, Schmidt had a three hour conversation with him and later said that “almost from the moment Oswald began talking about his experiences in the Soviet Union” Schmidt was impressed by Oswald’s “burning dedication” to what he considered “political truth.”

During the course of their conversation Schmidt said he used a “reverse psychology” technique that he had learned in Germany from Professor Wilhelm Kuetemeyer.

“When the conversation turned to the subject of the Kennedy administration, Schmidt expected Oswald would express the usual liberal sentiments about the President’s attempt to bring about constructive reform. Instead, Oswald launched into a violent attack on the President’s foreign policy, citing both the Bay of Pigs in April, 1961 and the Cuban Missile Crisis of October, 1962 as examples of ‘imperialism’ and ‘interventions.’ He suggested that Kennedy’s actions against Cuba had set the stage for a nuclear holocaust and further, that even after the Soviet missiles had been withdrawn from Cuba, American sponsored acts of sabotage and ‘terrorism’ against Cuba were continuing.”

So Schmidt changed the subject, using a psychological technique learned from Err Professor Kuetemeyer, “He could see that Oswald had extreme and unyielding positions and realized it would do no good to argue with him. Instead, he tried to win his confidence by appearing to be in sympathy with its political views and making even more extreme statements.”

“In an intentionally melodramatic way Schmidt brought up the subject of General Edwin A. Walker, who had been forced to resign from the Army because of his open support for the John Birch Society and other right wing extremist causes. (Schmidt) suggested that Walker’s hate-mongering activities at the University of Mississippi, which the federal government was then trying to desegregate, were directly responsible for the riots and bloodshed – including the deaths of two reporters on that campus. He compared Walker with Hitler and said that they should be treated as murders at large.”

“Oswald instantly seized on the analogy between Hitler and Walker to argue that America was moving towards fascism. As he spoke, he seemed to grow more and more excited about the subject. Schmidt could see he finally got through to Oswald. As he listened to Oswald define more closely his political ideas, he began to work out his ‘Psychological Profile,’ as he called it. Oswald seemed to be a ‘totally alienated individual,’ obsessed with political ideology and bent on self-destruction. Even then, he reminded Schmidt of a Dostoevskian character impelled by his own reasoning towards a ‘logical suicide.’”

Though unknown to Schmidt, within days of their conversation Oswald would order the rifle that was allegedly used to shoot at Walker and kill the President.

“When he returned home that night, Schmidt thought that he might be able to help Oswald if he could ‘get him out of his shell,’ He thought of arranging a small party for him where he could meet and talk with other people interested in political ideas. He particularly wanted (Oswald) to meet Michael Paine, an inventor and ‘creative genius’ at Bell Helicopter (whose father, George Lyman Paine, had been one of the leaders of the Trotskyite movement in the United States), and the two men with whom he shared a house in Dallas: Everett Glover and Richard Pierce.”

So they have a party, and while neither Schmidt nor Michael Paine were present, Ruth Paine met Marina Oswald and became fast friends, though it would take a while longer for Michael Paine to meet Lee Harvey Oswald.

In a footnote, (p. 353), Epstein notes: “Kuetemeyer had been experimenting, according to Schmidt, on a group of schidoids during World War II. The experiments had been interrupted in 1944, when Kuetemeyer had become involved in the plot to assassinate Hitler and had been forced into hiding from the Nazis.”

Dr. Whilhelm Keutemeyer was a professor of psychosomatic medicine and religion at the University of Heidelberg, Germany. Keutemeyer’s son was Volkmar Schmidt’s best friend, and Schmidt looked to Keutemeyer as a surrogate father figure. Keutemeyer was also a colleague of Swiss psychoanalysist Carl Jung, who attempted to use his professional associations in attempts to influence Hitler’s behavior. When that failed they just tried to kill him.

Also involved was one Dr. Hans Bernd Gisevius, a Gestapo officer assigned to Switzerland, who tried to get the OSS chief of Bern, Allen Dulles, to broker a separate peace between Germany and the Western Allies, without Hitler, to fight the Russians together. This plot evolved into the July 20th bomb explosion at the Fuhrer’s “Wolfschanze” bunker headquarters near Rastenburg, Germany.

Col. Claus Schenk Grav von Stauffenberg planted a briefcase bomb under the map table next to Hitler, left the bunker, witnessed the explosion and then flew back to Berlin where he met with Gisevius. Together they drew up press releases to counter Goebel’s propaganda, but when it became clear that the bomb failed to kill Hitler (the heavy wooden table leg saved his life), those responsible were rounded up and executed. Many hundreds, some say thousands were eventually implicated, but somehow, Gisevius went underground and eventually escaped using false identification provided to him by Allen Dulles, though his personal assistant Mary Bancroft.

Mary Bancroft, the stepdaughter of the publisher of the Wall Street Journal, was also Dulles’ mistress at the time, and served as a intermediary between Dulles and Gisevius. She also helped Gisevius translate his history of the Third Rich, later published as “Bis zum bittern Ende.” (two volumes, Fretz & Wasmuth, Zurich, 1946, 1954; To the Bitter End,” Richard and Clara Winston, Jonathan Cape, London, 1948; Rutten & Loening, Hamburg, (1964).

As related in her own “Autobiography of a Spy” (William Morrow, 1983), Mary Bancroft was a close personal friend of Michael Paine’s mother Ruth Forbes Paine Young. Their intimate friendship dated from the late 1920s when Ruth Forbes Paine was married to New York architect Lyman Paine, one of the founders of the Trotyskite movement in the U.S. and father of Michael Paine. Bancroft and Ruth Forbes Paine traveled extensively overseas and were together on board an ocean liner when Bancroft met her future husband, a Zurich businessman.

Hans Bernd Gisevius was called to testify for the defense at the Nurenberg trials, but instead of aiding them, he helped send the Nazis to the gallows. He then came to America where Allen Dulles provided him with a $5,000 a month retainer and set him up in the home of his CIA deputy Tom Braden. At the time Braden was head of the International Organizations Division (IOD), and his assistant was Cord Meyer, Jr., who would later take his place. Cord Meyer, Jr. was the co-founder of the World Federalists, which also included its Philadelphia adherents, Michael’s mother Ruth Forbes Paine Young and Priscilla Johnson McMillan, when she was a student at Bryn Mawr.

So there you have it - Dr. Wilhelm Keutemeyer, Dr. Hans Bernd Gisevius, Mary Bancroft and Allen Dulles. Keutemeyer’s psychosomatic techniques were used by Volkmar Schmidt on Oswald, the accused assassin, Gisevius was a direct participant who worked closely with Bancroft, close personal friend of the mother of Michael Paine, the accused assassin’s chief benefactor, and Warren Commissioner Allen Dulles.

Keutemeyer, Gisevius, Bancroft and Dulles - four direct participants in the July 20, 1944 Hitler assassination attempt and failed coup d’etat, who also became associated with the events that culminated in what happened at Dealey Plaza on November 22, 1963.

The main difference between the two events is that the July 20, 1944 plot failed, and those responsible or even remotely associated with it were rounded up and executed without trial, while the November 22, 1963 succeeded and those responsible assumed power. 

Sunday, July 22, 2012

50 Years Is Enough!




A Note From John Judge - Director of COPA - Coalition on Political Assassinations 

50 YEARS OF SILENCE

Imagine the 50th anniversary of President Kennedy, November 22, 2013, at the Grassy Knoll passing without a word in the press about his assassination and who was behind it, only a celebration of his life. That is what Dallas authorities are planning now.

Every year, as you know, we hold a Moment of Silence on the Grassy Knoll at 12:30 pm on November 22 to commemorate the assassination of President John F. Kennedy and to keep alive the knowledge and outrage about the injustice of his intentionally unsolved political murder. After our event, which continues a tradition started in 1964 by researcher and journalist Penn Jones, Jr., we speak truth to power.

We invite the best researchers to our annual meetings to present the best new evidence in the major political assassinations of the last five decades, and we encourage them to speak briefly on the Grassy Knoll. Our event is not a circus or carnival atmosphere, it is not even “conspiracy theory,” as the press commentators try to dismiss it. It is an event lest we forget.

We will be there again this year, this time on Thanksgiving Day. We invite you to join us for the conference and for the event in Dallas, from November 22-25th. We will be staying and meeting at the Hotel Lawrence this year, as in the past.

PERMISSION DENIED

Imagine, on the 50th anniversary, when the attention of the national and international press, the crowds who come to Dallas and Dealey Plaza and the world that will be watching, that there would be no Moment of Silence. We have been applying for the permit for the last three years in anticipation of a major conference and huge crowds, and have been told repeatedly that none could be issued more than a year in advance. To our surprise a permit was then issued for the whole area of Dealey Plaza for next year for a full week in November to the Sixth Floor Museum, without an event yet planned. This permit is also exclusive of other events at the site, which ours never was.

The director of the Sixth Floor Museum said she got the permit to be “proactive” on behalf of the Mayor’s office in Dallas, which then appointed a committee to plan “dignified” events to “celebrate the life of John F. Kennedy” that week. We have attempted to coordinate with the Sixth Floor Museum only to be told that we should “move the national and international press attention to [JFK’s] death to another moment.” That would be a trick, but we all know that it will be gone at any other moment. We are also trying to coordinate with the Mayor’s commission to exercise our right of free speech in a public park that belongs to history and the American people. We want to be there to be seen and heard, to be silent and loud. We don’t want to be in a “free speech zone” a mile away where no one will hear our message.

The Director of the Sixth Floor Museum, which gives a very imbalanced view of the evidence and the history of the assassination of JFK to millions of tourists each year, told the Dallas Morning News that they had no event planned but they might do a “moment of silence”. I would suggest that if they do such an event to the exclusion of ours, it would stretch into an eternity of silence regarding this assassination.

Penn Jones wrote four volumes on the evidence and strange witness deaths in the Kennedy assassination called Forgive My Grief. Forgive ours, but some things are not forgivable and should not be forgettable. We will be there on November 22, 2013 in any case. Hope you will be with us.

THE PAST IS PROLOGUE

We also fight to release all classified records on these murders, now decades past. Our support for the JFK Assassination Records Collection Act and the Review Board it created has led to the release of over 6.5 million pages of classified records buried since 1964, but not all of them. We have joined the call by the Committee for an Open Archives and the Assassination Archives and Research Center to expedite the release of all related files on JFK’s assassination by the 50th anniversary next year, and not in 2017 or even later. All efforts to use FOIA, Mandatory Declassification Review or even Obama’s Executive Order calling for release of files classified for over 25 years to be implemented without review have failed so far. The new agencies, created by his administration to facilitate transparency and release, have decided that the JFK records are outside their mandate. 

An online petition to demand release can be found at


We continue to push for introduction of the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. Records Act to release hundreds of thousands of pages of the House Select Committee on Assassinations investigation into his death, locked up since 1978 until 2028. All their files on JFK are already released. The Clerk of the House was approached to use her authority to release these records, but their office has declined saying it needs Congressional legislation. We have a new sponsor who seems ready to drop the bill and details will follow to get support.
Our website features speakers from past conferences as well as regular news updates about political assassinations, new evidence and witnesses, legal developments, threats on the President and Secret Service response, and in-depth articles from leading researchers and academics.

Every year we gather in Dallas, and some years in Memphis, Los Angeles and New York, to present and discuss the best new evidence in the murders of Malcolm X, the Kennedy Brothers, Dr. King and others. We invite renowned legal, medical, forensic and ballistics experts, academics and noted authors, and citizen researchers whose work over the years has shed light on these crimes and rewritten our history. We make many of the presentations available by livestream on our website, but being at the event, networking, getting the latest books and resources and meeting those seeking the truth is an experience not to be missed.
This is a critical time because these assassinations are fading into history for later generations. The approaching 5th decade mark may consign active concern about the assassinations of the 60s to past history and indifference, despite widespread acceptance in the public that a conspiracy of some sort was involved, not the actions of a lone, crazed gunman. We are the ones who are left to make sure that this history is not lost and its impact on the present is made clear. November 22, 1963 marked a turning point in America and the rise of the Military Intelligence Industrial Complex that President Eisenhower warned of and Kennedy opposed has defined our history since. The political assassinations that day and others that followed were instrumental in destroying hope for a different future and movements for social change. All those killed had challenged militarism, war, racism and poverty, the "pillars of oppression" defined by Dr. King that still plague us today.

50 YEARS IS ENOUGH!

Imagine instead a major conference in Dallas that we have titled "50 Years is Enough!" –
with all the key researchers, authors, legal and medical/forensic experts who have broken the cases open in the past decades there to speak the truth about them, to those present and on the internet to the rest of the world. Imagine a crowd of thousands in Dealey Plaza, along with the world press, seeing our banners calling for release of records and hearing our speakers calling for justice and an independent investigation of these unsolved homicides that would hold those responsible to account and take the sordid history since to task. Imagine a future where the assassination of fairly elected leaders and purveyors of hope for social change would never again be tolerated and would demand full investigations and exposure of the forces behind them. We cannot celebrate the life of John F. Kennedy while we forget his death.

Our Dallas meeting this year will be held from November 22-25 at the Hotel Lawrence, just off Dealey Plaza. We will announce hotel reservation information and rates soon. Information on speakers and other details are being posted at our website as well. Next year we plan to hold a national conference in Dallas, and we may be doing meetings in Memphis and Los Angeles as well if there is interest.

We can't do all this without you. Since 1994, we have worked to present serious research, new evidence, force release of records, support legal challenges and forensic testing, and to keep these cases alive to the public and a new generation. We do all this with the help of a very few donors and on a tiny budget. No foundations sponsor us, and certainly no corporation or government funds. We are volunteers, no paid staff. 

HOW TO HELP

This year, anticipating the need to have a major conference on the 50th anniversary, two donors have put up a challenge grant, which will match all donations made before that up to $2,000. This means a donation of any size will double for us right now and make it possible for us to be visible next year and to bring the best speakers.

Donations of $50 or more will get you a copy of a DVD set of our jam-packed 2011 conference in Dallas. $100 or more will also automatically register you for this year's conference events, a real bargain. Donations are not tax deductible. Checks can be made to COPA at P.O. Box 772, Washington, DC 20044 or credit card donations can be made to our Paypal account from the website (www.politicalassassinations.com).

We need you. Will you join us now with your support? Will you come to Dallas this year and next? Will you stand with us on the Grassy Knoll to speak out and be visible and help get out our call for an Occupy the Grassy Knoll in 2013 (see www.occupythegrassyknoll.com)?

COPA has been a leader in this work for nearly two decades and our work is not finished yet. I hope you will contribute now to both the hope of the future and the continued visibility of the past.

Thanks for your support!
John Judge, Director
Coalition on Political Assassinations
PO Box 772
Washington, DC 20044

Check out our website:

Annual meeting in Dallas in November
Hotel Lawrence - 214-761-9090 - discount room reservations
Speakers, films, books, resources, email for details

National organization of medical and ballistic experts, academics and authors, researchers and interested individuals investigating major political assassinations in America and abroad. Responsible for creation and implementation of the JFK Assassination Records Act. Promoting a Martin Luther King Records Act and a grand jury process to reopen all the major assassinations.

We are not allergic to donations, donations NOT tax deductible. DVD set of last year's COPA meeting in Dallas for any donation of $50 or more.

Friday, July 20, 2012

LBJ & The Joint Chiefs - The Day it became the Longest War


The Day It Became the Longest War

Lt. Gen. Charles Cooper, USMC (Ret.)
1-20-07
History News Network

http://hnn.us/articles/34024.html

Lt. Gen. Charles Cooper, USMC (Ret.) is the author of "Cheers and Tears: A Marine's Story of Combat in Peace and War" (2002), from which this article is excerpted. The article recently drew national attention after it was posted on MILINET. It is reprinted with the author's permission.

"The President will see you at two o'clock."

It was a beautiful fall day in November of 1965; early in the Vietnam War-too beautiful a day to be what many of us, anticipating it, had been calling "the day of reckoning." We didn't know how accurate that label would be.

The Pentagon is a busy place. Its workday starts early-especially if, as the expression goes, "there's a war on." By seven o'clock, the staff of Admiral David L. McDonald, the Navy's senior admiral and Chief of Naval Operations, had started to work. Shortly after seven, Admiral McDonald arrived and began making final preparations for a meeting with President Lyndon Baines Johnson.

The Vietnam War was in its first year, and its uncertain direction troubled Admiral McDonald and the other service chiefs. They'd had a number of disagreements with Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara about strategy, and had finally requested a private meeting with the Commander in Chief-a perfectly legitimate procedure. Now, after many delays, the Joint Chiefs were finally to have that meeting. They hoped it would determine whether the US military would continue its seemingly directionless buildup to fight a protracted ground war, or take bold measures that would bring the war to an early and victorious end. The bold measures they would propose were to apply massive air power to the head of the enemy, Hanoi, and to close North Vietnam's harbors by mining them.

The situation was not a simple one, and for several reasons. The most important reason was that North Vietnam's neighbor to the north was communist China. Only 12 years had passed since the Korean War had ended in stalemate. The aggressors in that war had been the North Koreans. When the North Koreans' defeat had appeared to be inevitable, communist China had sent hundreds of thousands of its Peoples' Liberation Army "volunteers" to the rescue.

Now, in this new war, the North Vietnamese aggressor had the logistic support of the Soviet Union and, more to the point, of neighboring communist China. Although we had the air and naval forces with which to paralyze North Vietnam, we had to consider the possible reactions of the Chinese and the Russians.

Both China and the Soviet Union had pledged to support North Vietnam in the "war of national liberation" it was fighting to reunite the divided country, and both had the wherewithal to cause major problems. An important unknown was what the Russians would do if prevented from delivering goods to their communist protege in Hanoi. A more important question concerned communist China, next-door neighbor to North Vietnam. How would the Chinese react to a massive pummeling of their ally? More specifically, would they enter the war as they had done in North Korea? Or would they let the Vietnamese, for centuries a traditional enemy, fend for themselves? The service chiefs had considered these and similar questions, and had also asked the Central Intelligence Agency for answers and estimates.

The CIA was of little help, though it produced reams of text, executive summaries of the texts, and briefs of the executive summaries - all top secret, all extremely sensitive, and all of little use. The principal conclusion was that it was impossible to predict with any accuracy what the Chinese or Russians might do.

Despite the lack of a clear-cut intelligence estimate, Admiral McDonald and the other Joint Chiefs did what they were paid to do and reached a conclusion. They decided unanimously that the risk of the Chinese or Soviets reacting to massive US measures taken in North Vietnam was acceptably low, but only if we acted without delay.

Unfortunately, the Secretary of Defense and his coterie of civilian "whiz kids" did not agree with the Joint Chiefs, and McNamara and his people were the ones who were actually steering military strategy. In the view of the Joint Chiefs, the United States was piling on forces in Vietnam without understanding the consequences. In the view of McNamara and his civilian team, we were doing the right thing. This was the fundamental dispute that had caused the Chiefs to request the seldom-used private audience with the Commander in Chief in order to present their military recommendations directly to him. McNamara had finally granted their request.

The 1965 Joint Chiefs of Staff had ample combat experience. Each was serving in his third war. The Chairman was General Earle Wheeler, US Army, highly regarded by the other members.

General Harold Johnson was the Army Chief of Staff. A World War II prisoner of the Japanese, he was a soft-spoken, even-tempered, deeply religious man.

General John P. McConnell, Air Force Chief of Staff, was a native of Arkansas and a 1932 graduate of West Point.

The Commandant of the Marine Corps was General Wallace M. Greene, Jr., a slim, short, all-business Marine. General Greene was a Naval Academy graduate and a zealous protector of the Marine Corps concept of controlling its own air resources as part of an integrated air-ground team.

Last and by no means least was Admiral McDonald, a Georgia minister's son, also a Naval Academy graduate, and a naval aviator. While Admiral McDonald was a most capable leader, he was also a reluctant warrior. He did not like what he saw emerging as a national commitment. He did not really want the US to get involved with land warfare, believing as he did that the Navy could apply sea power against North Vietnam very effectively by mining, blockading, and assisting in a bombing campaign, and in this way help to bring the war to a swift and satisfactory conclusion.

The Joint Chiefs intended that the prime topics of the meeting with the President would be naval matters-the mining and blockading of the port of Haiphong and naval support of a bombing campaign aimed at Hanoi. For that reason, the Navy was to furnish a briefing map, and that became my responsibility. We mounted a suitable map on a large piece of plywood, then coated it with clear acetate so that the chiefs could mark on it with grease pencils during the discussion. The whole thing weighed about 30 pounds.

The Military Office at the White House agreed to set up an easel in the Oval Office to hold the map. I would accompany Admiral McDonald to the White House with the map, put the map in place when the meeting started, then get out. There would be no strap-hangers at the military summit meeting with Lyndon Johnson.

The map and I joined Admiral McDonald in his staff car for the short drive to the White House, a drive that was memorable only because of the silence. My admiral was totally preoccupied.

The chiefs' appointment with the President was for two o'clock, and Admiral McDonald and I arrived about 20 minutes early. The chiefs were ushered into a fairly large room across the hall from the Oval Office. I propped the map board on the arms of a fancy chair where all could view it, left two of the grease pencils in the tray attached to the bottom of the board, and stepped out into the corridor. One of the chiefs shut the door, and they conferred in private until someone on the White House staff interrupted them about fifteen minutes later. As they came out, I retrieved the map, and then joined them in the corridor outside the President's office.

Precisely at two o'clock President Johnson emerged from the Oval Office and greeted the chiefs. He was all charm. He was also big: at three or more inches over six feet tall and something on the order of 250 pounds, he was bigger than any of the chiefs. He personally ushered them into his office, all the while delivering gracious and solicitous comments with a Texas accent far more pronounced than the one that came through when he spoke on television. Holding the map board as the chiefs entered, I peered between them, trying to find the easel. There was none. The President looked at me, grasped the situation at once, and invited me in, adding, "You can stand right over here." I had become an easel-one with eyes and ears.

To the right of the door, not far inside the office, large windows framed evergreen bushes growing in a nearby garden. The President's desk and several chairs were farther in, diagonally across the room from the windows. The President positioned me near the windows, then arranged the chiefs in a semicircle in front of the map and its human easel.

He did not offer them seats: they stood, with those who were to speak-Wheeler, McDonald, and McConnell-standing nearest the President. Paradoxically, the two whose services were most affected by a continuation of the ground buildup in Vietnam-Generals Johnson and Greene-stood farthest from the President. President Johnson stood nearest the door, about five feet from the map.

In retrospect, the setup - the failure to have an easel in place, the positioning of the chiefs on the outer fringe of the office, the lack of seating-did not augur well. The chiefs had expected the meeting to be a short one, and it met that expectation. They also expected it to be of momentous import, and it met that expectation, too. Unfortunately, it also proved to be a meeting that was critical to the proper pursuit of what was to become the longest, most divisive, and least conclusive war in our nation's history-a war that almost tore the nation apart.

As General Wheeler started talking, President Johnson peered at the map. In five minutes or so, the general summarized our entry into Vietnam, the current status of forces, and the purpose of the meeting. Then he thanked the President for having given his senior military advisers the opportunity to present their opinions and recommendations. Finally, he noted that although Secretary McNamara did not subscribe to their views, he did agree that a presidential-level decision was required. President Johnson, arms crossed, seemed to be listening carefully.

The essence of General Wheeler's presentation was that we had come to an early moment of truth in our ever-increasing Vietnam involvement. We had to start using our principal strengths-air and naval power-to punish the North Vietnamese, or we would risk becoming involved in another protracted Asian ground war with no prospects of a satisfactory solution.

Speaking for the chiefs, General Wheeler offered a bold course of action that would avoid protracted land warfare. He proposed that we isolate the major port of Haiphong through naval mining, blockade the rest of the North Vietnamese coastline, and simultaneously start bombing Hanoi with B-52's.

General Wheeler then asked Admiral McDonald to describe how the Navy and Air Force would combine forces to mine the waters off Haiphong and establish a naval blockade. When Admiral McDonald finished, General McConnell added that speed of execution would be essential, and that we would have to make the North Vietnamese believe that we would increase the level of punishment if they did not sue for peace.

Normally, time dims our memories-but it hasn't dimmed this one. My memory of Lyndon Johnson on that day remains crystal clear.

While General Wheeler, Admiral McDonald, and General McConnell spoke, he seemed to be listening closely, communicating only with an occasional nod. When General McConnell finished, General Wheeler asked the President if he had any questions.

Johnson waited a moment or so, then turned to Generals Johnson and Greene, who had remained silent during the briefing, and asked, "Do you fully support these ideas?" He followed with the thought that it was they who were providing the ground troops, in effect acknowledging that the Army and the Marines were the services that had most to gain or lose as a result of this discussion. Both generals indicated their agreement with the proposal. Seemingly deep in thought, President Johnson turned his back on them for a minute or so, then suddenly discarding the calm, patient demeanor he had maintained throughout the meeting, whirled to face them and exploded.

I almost dropped the map. He screamed obscenities, he cursed them personally, he ridiculed them for coming to his office with their "military advice." Noting that it was he who was carrying the weight of the free world on his shoulders, he called them filthy names - shitheads, dumb shits, pompous assholes - and used "the F-word" as an adjective more freely than a Marine in boot camp would use it. He then accused them of trying to pass the buck for World War III to him. It was unnerving, degrading.

After the tantrum, he resumed the calm, relaxed manner he had displayed earlier and again folded his arms. It was as though he had punished them, cowed them, and would now control them. Using soft-spoken profanities, he said something to the effect that they all knew now that he did not care about their military advice. After disparaging their abilities, he added that he did expect their help.

He suggested that each one of them change places with him and assume that five incompetents had just made these "military recommendations." He told them that he was going to let them go through what he had to go through when idiots gave him stupid advice, adding that he had the whole damn world to worry about, and it was time to "see what kind of guts you have." He paused, as if to let it sink in. The silence was like a palpable solid, the tension like that in a drumhead. After thirty or forty seconds of this, he turned to General Wheeler and demanded that Wheeler say what he would do if he were the President of the United States.

General Wheeler took a deep breath before answering. He was not an easy man to shake: his calm response set the tone for the others. He had known coming in, as had the others that Lyndon Johnson was an exceptionally strong personality and a venal and vindictive man as well. He had known that the stakes were high, and now realized that McNamara had prepared Johnson carefully for this meeting, which had been a charade.

Looking President Johnson squarely in the eye, General Wheeler told him that he understood the tremendous pressure and sense of responsibility Johnson felt. He added that probably no other President in history had had to make a decision of this importance, and further cushioned his remarks by saying that no matter how much about the presidency he did understand, there were many things about it that only one human being could ever understand. General Wheeler closed his remarks by saying something very close to this: "You, Mr. President, are that one human being. I cannot take your place, think your thoughts, know all you know, and tell you what I would do if I were you. I can't do it, Mr. President. No man can honestly do it. Respectfully, sir, it is your decision and yours alone."

Apparently unmoved, Johnson asked each of the other Chiefs the same question. One at a time, they supported General Wheeler and his rationale. By now, my arms felt as though they were about to break. The map seemed to weigh a ton, but the end appeared to be near. General Greene was the last to speak.

When General Greene finished, President Johnson, who was nothing if not a skilled actor, looked sad for a moment, then suddenly erupted again, yelling and cursing, again using language that even a Marine seldom hears. He told them he was disgusted with their naive approach, and that he was not going to let some military idiots talk him into World War III. He ended the conference by shouting "Get the hell out of my office!"

The Joint Chiefs of Staff had done their duty. They knew that the nation was making a strategic military error, and despite the rebuffs of their civilian masters in the Pentagon, they had insisted on presenting the problem as they saw it to the highest authority and recommending solutions. They had done so, and they had been rebuffed. That authority had not only rejected their solutions, but had also insulted and demeaned them. As Admiral McDonald and I drove back to the Pentagon, he turned to me and said that he had known tough days in his life, and sad ones as well, but ". . . this has got to have been the worst experience I could ever imagine."

The US involvement in Vietnam lasted another ten years. The irony is that it began to end only when President Richard Nixon, after some backstage maneuvering on the international scene, did precisely what the Joint Chiefs of Staff had recommended to President Johnson in 1965.

Why had Johnson not only dismissed their recommendations, but also ridiculed them? It must have been that Johnson had lacked something. Maybe it was foresight or boldness. Maybe it was the sophistication and understanding it took to deal with complex international issues. Or, since he was clearly a bully, maybe what he lacked was courage.

We will never know. But had General Wheeler and the others received a fair hearing, and had their recommendations received serious study, the United States may well have saved the lives of most of its more than 55,000 sons who died in a war that its major architect, Robert Strange McNamara, now considers to have been a tragic mistake.