Framing RFK for his Brother's Murder

The Framing of RFK for His Brother’s Murder

By William Kelly (billkelly3@gmail.com)


RFK with Enrique (Harry) Ruiz-Williams  ( Enrique (Harry) Ruiz-Williams )       

To blame Bobby Kennedy for the murder of his brother seems ludicrous at first, but on closer examination such allegations have been made, and while the evidence is flimsy, it appears the intent to blackmail Bobby was established before the murder and made a part of the pre-planned plot to kill the president.

Rather than the act of a deranged madman, the Dealey Plaza Operation was a very well planned and successfully executed covert intelligence operation, one that was designed to shield those responsible.

As Frederick P. Hitz notes in “The Great Game – the Myths and Realities of Espionage” (Vintage, Random House, 2004): 

“Covert action (CA), or what the British term special operations, largely involves human agents, but is action-oriented as opposed to information-oriented.. Covert action may be as simple as disseminating unattributable or black propaganda, or as big and complex as coup plotting, assassination planning, sabotage, or waging guerrilla war. The principle feature that distinguishes covert action is that the hand of the perpetrator is intended NOT to show. U.S. intelligence invented the seemingly benign term ‘plausible deniability.’” 

The psych-war Northwoods twist built into the Dealey Plaza operation consisted not only the framing of Lee Harvey Oswald as the designated patsy and pinning the blame for the murder on the tail of Fidel Castro, a black propaganda operation that continues today, but an even more deeper and intricate aspect of the plan tried to implicate RFK along with the anti-Castro Cubans who were trained and assigned to kill Castro.

A plot is a few guys sitting around concocting a conspiracy to do something, while a plan is a more detailed outline of a proposed action.

The official version of events as proposed by the Warren Commission holds that there was no plot but there may have been a plan for what happened at Dealey Plaza, albeit one that was limited to the mind of Oswald, just as he had a plan to shoot General Walker.

Valkyrie was not a plot among a few military officers, it was a detailed plan that was years in the making, one that evolved over time and included not dozens but hundreds of co-conspirators, and was conducted as a covert military operation given the code name Valkyrie.

http://jfkcountercoup.blogspot.com/2016/02/valkyrie-at-dealey-plaza-conspiracy.html

As Bill Simpich does, if we consider what happened at Dealey Plaza an operation – a covert intelligence operation, then it was designed to hide the actual perpetrators and also had a code name, one said by disinformationists to have been called Operation Zipper, but I prefer to simply call it the Dealey Plaza Operation.

If the Valkyrie plan to kill Hitler was studied in detail to be applied against Castro, as the Higgins Memo suggests, and that was the plan that was the specific CIA plan to kill Castro that was redirected to kill JFK at Dealey Plaza, then certain aspects of the Valkyrie plan were used, including getting the victim to sign off and approve the operation. To Hitler the Valkyrie plan was an official military contingency plan to put down a revolt of the 12 million foreign slave laborers in Germany. In adapting that plan to be used in Cuba JFK would be asked to approve certain covert operations against Castro, operational plans that would backfire against him.

Another aspect of the Valkyrie plan that was apparently adapted to be used against Castro, and was used against JFK, was to blame the assassination of Castro on a communist, a Russian or someone with a Russian background, someone like Oswald who could get into Cuba and could fire a rifle.

With the Big Switch on, and the target changed from Castro to JFK, this aspect of the plan attempted to get JFK, RFK and the Special Group Augumented of the National Security Council to sign off and approve the covert operation that would be used at Dealey Plaza. This was done on two levels, - one through official channels and the other socially. Officially it was done by including assassination missions like Pathfinder among the violent terrorist attacks against industrial sites that were being approved by the SGA, as long as American involvement could be plausibly denied.

http://jfkcountercoup2.blogspot.com/2016/02/pathfinder-plan-to-kill-castro.html

http://jfkcountercoup2.blogspot.com/2016/02/the-hemingway-house-plot-old-man-and-cia.html

On the social level RFK met privately at JMWAVE and Florida safe houses with some high level CIA officers involved in the assassination planning such as William Harvey, Desmond FitzGerald, Ted Shackley, Gordon Campbell and David Morales.

William Harvey handed over his sidearm pistol to the secret service agent at the door of the Oval Office when JFK asked to meet “America’s James Bond,” but RFK and Harvey didn’t see eye to eye, especially during the Cuban Missile Crisis when RFK ordered all CIA covert ops against Cuba to cease, and Harvey announced that he had already sent in a team that couldn’t be recalled.

Then RFK visited the CIA offices where the Cuban operations were planned and began poking around, reading a cable that had just come across the wire when Harvey pulled it out of his hands telling the Attorney General and head of the Special Group that he wasn’t cleared to read it.

So it was no surprise when Harvey was replaced by Kennedy loyalist Desmond Fitzgerald, a close family friend and reputed cousin whose mother leased Glen Ora, the rural Virginia estate to JFK and where, it was suggested that RFK plotted with FitzGerald to kill Castro.

It was FitzGerald who RFK continually harassed to ratchet up the anti-Castro operations, it was FitzGerald who ran AMLASH (Cubella) and it was FitzGerald who briefed the Joint Chiefs of Staff on Cuban operations and a week before the assassination, briefed JFK and the National Security Council on those same operations.

RFK also met with some of the Bay of Pigs veterans he had rescued from Castro’s prisons, like Ruis Williams, whose Cuban delegation, when they were in Washington D.C., were put up at the historic Willard Hotel, where there was a reported sighting of Oswald handing out Fair Play for Cuba Committee literature, just as he did in New Orleans.

According to Army Ranger Captain Bradley Ayers, who was assigned to the CIA to train the Cubans, RFK visited Cuban operatives in Florida on at least two occasions, one at a cocktail mixer at a safe house on a golf course, where he was introduced to Ayers as well as a number of ranking JMWAVE officials and case officers. According to Ayers RFK was also flown in by helicopter to a remote training base in the Everglades where he met some of the anti-Castro Cuban commandos being trained for maritime infiltration missions to Cuba, some of which included snipers and high powered sniper rifles with scopes.

These meetings could be attributed to RFK’s hands-on administrative approach as the self-appointed chairman of the Special Group Augmented of the National Security Council, but that can’t be said of the fleeting documentary trail, beginning with the first published reports that Oswald had taken the pot shot at right wing General Edwin Walker on April 10, 1963.

This report first surfaced in an obscure German magazine and was subsequently picked up and expanded upon and sensationalized in the National Enquirer supermarket tabloid, as detailed in Jochem Joestine in his response to the Warren Report’s dismissal of various conspiracy theories.

http://jfkcountercoup.blogspot.com/2015/11/joachim-joesten-on-one-warren-report.html

These reports claim that Oswald and Ruby were arrested by the Dallas police for their involvement in the Walker shooting, but a letter personally written by Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, presumably to Dallas Police chief Jesse Curry, let them off.

To some this may seem ludicrous, but others believed it, including those who knew that RFK was 

responsible for some of the violent covert operations against Cuba, possibly even assassination attempts. And getting such information or disinformation into print takes some journalistic maneuvering, not beyond the reach of the CIA’s operation MOCKINGBIRD.

Now if that was the only certified disinformation ploy that was used to implicate RFK in the Dealey Plaza operation it could be dismissed, but there are others, including the Homme Report, as it was reported by Martin and Lewis. That’s Jack Martin (aka Scruggs) and his sidekick Dave Lewis, both pals of Oswald from the New Orleans contingent, who also claimed that there was a “Letter of Marque” from RFK that implicated him in the CIA plots to kill Castro and the death of his own brother. They also wrote about the Homme Report, supposedly an official Congressional committee report that verified RFK’s complicity in the plots.

The most sensational of the reports of RFK’s role in his brother’s murder comes from John Roselli, whose lawyer leaked details to Jack Anderson in 1967 and published in the Washington Carousel column that was syndicated to hundreds of newspapers.

Then there are the more contemporary versions of the same story, as presented by Gus Russo, whose luncheons with high level CIA officers betray his status as a media asset, whose books “Brothers in Arms” and “Live by the Sword” are venomous in their attempts to link RFK to the plots to kill Castro. Confirming Russo's disinformation is the subsequent and blatant propaganda film by German “documentary” film maker Wilfried Huismann, reputedly based on Russo’s “research.”

The framing of RFK for his brother’s murder by getting his approval for assassination attacks against Castro that backfired and killed JFK has been downplayed of late, but the disinformation ploy to blame the assassination on Castro is a psych war operation that is still in full swing, as exhibited by the recent works of former CIA officer Brian Lettell and former New York Times reporter Phil Shenon.  

JFKcountercoup: The Second Plot - The Original Cover Story

Of course some of the documentary records will be cleaned up befire the remaining records are released under the JFK Act in October 2017, but some of the missing pieces of the puzzle can be recovered, such as the Homme Report and possibly the alleged “Letter of Marque.”

In any case it is quite clear at this point in time, as both Peter Dale Scott and John Newman have clearly demonstrated, that Oswald was framed for the crime as the designated patsy, that Castro was to be blamed for the murder was incorporated into the plan before the assassination, and that RFK was neutralized from legally responding to the actual perpetrators by an additional psych war ploy that implicated him with the anti-Castro Cubans who were involved in the mechanics of the Dealey Plaza operation.

These aspects of the plan that resulted in the death of JFK make it quite clear that what happened at Dealey Plaza was not the result of a deranged loner or a renegade group but the work of a very sophisticated plan similar to the Valkyrie plot to kill Hitler, except that while the German plot failed the Dealey Plaza operation succeeded.

BRADLEY AYERS ON RFK AT COMMANDO TRAINING BASE:

In The Zenith Secret (VoxPop 2006, p. 86), Bradley E. Ayers wrote:

...Speeding westward along Tamiami Trail I thought about how unusual it was for Rudy to get excited about anything that was really important. As the acting chief of training, he should have gone to this meeting, buthe had deferred to me. It seemed odd, as did all the secrecy. When I asked the young driver where we were going, he replied that the trip would take slightly more than an hour; we were going to a meeting place in the Everglades. He didn’t elaborate.

We pulled into a truck stop at the junction of Tamiami Trail and Highway 27, and another man – a women who I’d never seen before – checked the license of the car and climbed in. No one spoke as we drove down the long, slightly traveled highway and eventually turned onto a dirt road bordered by a canal. After about a mile, the driver pulled over. An airboat was waiting in the canal, and in moments we were noisily skimmed across the saw grass as dusk settled over the glades. I wasn’t surprised since long ago I learned to expect the unexpected from the agency.

After nearly 30 minutes of travel across the open swampland and deep canals, we turned under some overhanging trees and pulled up to a small dock behind another airboat. A sign on one of the rotting timbers read: “Waloos Glades Hunting Camp – No Tresspassing.” It was nearly dark, but I could see two helicopters parked in the shadows. One was a military Bell H-13 with the identification numbers taped over. The other was a civilian chopper with the name of a West Palm Beach air service on the tail rotor boom.

We walked to the fire and a young man handed us cups of coffee. I had never seen any of the men before. Soon the door to one of the Quonsets swung open and four men emerged. As they moved into the circle of firelight I recognized Gordon Campbell. I had seen him only a few times since my brief meeting with him, but had been impressed with his polished, slightly flamboyant executive manner. I caught my breath at the appearance of the second man. It was the attorney general, Robert Kennedy.

The four men talked in low voices for a few minutes, and then the attorney general came over and shook hands with each of us, wishing us good luck and God’s speed on our mission.

Hell, I didn’t even know what my mission was. His white teeth flashed and sparkled, and I felt a strange sense of strength and resolve when he grasped my hand. Then he hand one of the Cubans went to the civilian helicopter, and in minutes it took off. Now I understand the need for extra secrecy. If the president felt strongly enough to send his brother, something very big was being planned.

When the helicopter was gone, the deputy chief of station came over…

As we walked to one of the Quonsets, he said, “The reason we’ve got you here and the reason for all this secrecy is that we just got the green light from upstairs to go ahead on some of the mission we’ve been planning for some time.”

We entered the Quonset. It was brightly illuminated by several Coleman lanterns, and there were charts, maps, and other papers on a table in the center of the room. Campbell closed the door behind us and turned to face me.

“We’re very pleased with the way you’ve handled the training setup for the station so far, and we’ve made that known to your people at the Pentagon. We know it hasn’t been easy for your and your family...You’ll be happy to know that the Special Group has finally given us permission to use two-man submarines to strike Castro’s ships in the harbors. Some of your UDT people will be involved in that. And next week Rip’s boys are going to Eglin for parachute training so an airborne commando raid may not be far off. But right now we’ve got a go-ahead to hit one of the major oil refineries from on the island. All we’ve got to do is get a commando force in shape to do the job.”

So, the Special Group had finally put his interest in big business second to national interest. The president and his brother were tough, smart politicians: the elections were getting closer.

“We want you to take a commando force of 12 men and give them six weeks of the toughest, most realistic training you can...”

He pointed to a spot on the marine chart in front of him: the southern tip of Elliot Key...the Elliot Key Safehouse...There were other more abstract questions that remained prominent in my thoughts. What about the anti-Kennedy atmosphere that prevailed, essentially in the Operations Branch under Dave Morales at JM/WAVE, and among some of the contract agents and Cuban exiles in Miami? What about Rosselli and his organized crime connections? I knew that the Kennedy Justice Department had declared war on the Mafia and that Bobby Kennedy was personally orchestrating the battle against mob kingpins. It seemed so odd to me this was going on at the same time that Rosselli had carte blanche access to JM/WAVE and enjoyed a close relationship with Morales and the station hierarchy...