THE TIPPING POINT - Updated - By William Kelly
The White House (left) and the Executive Office Building (EOB - Right)
Where between 7 and 9 pm on 11/22/63 LBJ Ordered an end to conspiracy
and it was decided Oswald was a lone nut case.
Originally posted June 2012 at
The assassination of President Kennedy, when viewed as a covert intelligence operation, was a previously detailed plan that was set to be used against Fidel Castro of Cuba, and included the black propaganda deception to blame the assassination on communists.
What happened at Dealey Plaza was not so much a plot as it was a plan, - a military style covert operation, and part of that plan included the disinformation ploy to blame the conspiracy, as it was meant to be seen, on Castro Cuban Communists.
That part of the plan, besides deflecting investigations from those actually responsible, was also designed to spark an invasion and takeover of Cuba, something that President Kennedy rejected, but it was believed that LBJ would do.
But he didn't take the bait. LBJ recognized that if it was shown, or even believed that Castro was behind what happened at Dealey Plaza, it would lead to war, not only with Cuba but with the Soviet Union, and eventually end in a nuclear war, and like JFK, he didn't want to go there. So he used that as the excuse to convince the Texas authorities not to charge Oswald with conspiracy, and later to get Supreme Court Justice Earl Warren to head the Warren Commission in order to disprove the conspiracy.
THE TIPPING POINT
The Tipping-Point was the moment the
big switch occurred in the cover stories from what Peter Dale Scott has called
the “Phase One” – the Cuban Castro Commie conspiracy behind the Dealey Plaza operation, to “Phase Two” – giving sole responsibility for the murder to a deranged Lone Nut - Lee Harvey Oswald. [1]
This specific point in time must
have been a decision that came early – sometime shortly after the assassination
– between the time Oswald was associated with the murder and while his
background was being discovered and disseminated within the government and by
the mass media.
From what can reasonably be
determined, it was LBJ himself who made this decision, with the advice of J.
Edgar Hoover, Cliff Carter, Walter Jenkins and probably McGeorge Bundy,
sometime between 7 PM and 9 PM, EST, while LBJ was ensconced in the Vice President’s office in the Executive Office
Building (EOB) next door to the White House.
This decision is significant on many
levels but especially so because by doing so LBJ asserted his authority early
on and separated himself from those who planned the assassination and plotted
the cover story – the “Phase One” cover story that Castro was behind the
assassination, by not adhering to it, and instead deciding that the assassin
was to be considered alone and deranged.
The official switch had to have
occurred before the day was done, and although there is no direct evidence of
it among the conversations on the existing AF1 radio transmission tapes, it may
be a subject edited from the existing tapes, or before Air Force One took off.
[2]
Generals Clifton and
McHugh were aboard Air Force One, as well as LBJ aides Jack Valenti and Cliff
Carter, all of whom could have communicated with others by telephone over
secure WHCA circuits while Air Force One was still on the ground, or over one
of the three radios in use while Air Force One was in the air. Although
there are no such conversations on the existing tapes, there are reliable
reports that such things were discussed. T.H. White, William Manchester, Pierre
Salinger, Jim Bishop and Maj. H. Patterson have all referred to radio
conversations that are not on the tapes, including the determination that
Oswald was the lone, deranged assassin. [3]
This decision was vocally and
emphatically expressed on Friday night when LBJ’s aide Cliff Carter
telephoned Dallas authorities and ordered them not to charge Oswald as
being part of a communist conspiracy because it could start a war. [4]
So while it doesn’t appear that the
new president was overtly concerned that war was eminent, as he didn’t discuss
it on the record or even communicate with the Generals aboard Air Force One,
the Joint Chiefs of Staff or Secretary of Defense, that war was a possibility
was clearly on his mind. We know LBJ was thinking about it because he used the
threat of nuclear war to get the Dallas authorities to change the wording on
the warrant charging Oswald with being the assassin, so it didn’t read “in
furtherance of an international communist conspiracy,” and then he used the
possibility of war as an excuse again to get a reluctant Earl Warren to chair
the Commission, which was charged with determining there was no conspiracy,
foreign or otherwise.
The timing of the Cliff Carter’s
calls to Texas officials, in the name of the White House (8-9 P.M.)
seems to indicate that it occurred while LBJ, Walter Jenkins and Carter were in
the Vice President’s office at the Executive Office Building,
next door to the White House.
As soon as they landed at Andrews,
LBJ gave his brief speech before the TV cameras, but shortly before or after
the speech, he also quickly and briefly conferred with Secretary of Defense
McNamara, National Security Advisor Bundy and Under Secretary of State George
Ball (since Dean Rusk was on the Cabinet Plane). From reports, he simply asked
them each individually if there were any decisions he had to make immediately,
and they each replied no. [5]
According to LBJ’s aide Jack
Valenti, they then boarded helicopters that took them to the White House lawn,
and walked to the Vice President’s suite of offices in
the ExecutiveOffice Building. [6]
STRATEGIC EXECUTIVE DECISIONS AT
THE EXECUTIVE OFFICE BUILDING
Bill Clinton, in his review of
Robert A. Caro’s “The Passage of Power” wrote, “Then tragedy changed
everything. Within hours of President Kennedy’s assassination, Johnson was
sworn in as president, without the pomp of an inauguration, but with all the
powers of the office. At first he was careful in wielding them. He didn’t move
into the Oval Office for days, running the executive branch from Room 274 in
the Executive Office Building. The family didn’t move into the White
House residence until Dec. 7. But soon enough, it would become clear that the
power Johnson had grasped for his entire life was finally his.” [7]
Jack Valenti – in “A Very Human
President” (1973, p 3) wrote:
“It was a few minutes
after 6:00 P.M., EST, Friday, November 22, 1963. Air Force One
bearing the new president, and the body of the slain John F. Kennedy, had just
landed after a flight from Dallas.” [8]
“The trip of eighteen miles by
chopper from Andrews to the White House took seven minutes…The president’s
chopper had landed at 6:32 P.M.,…The president was still at the entrance to the
Diplomatic Reception Room, talking to Under Secretary of State George Ball, and
Defense Secretary Robert McNamara. I joined them and we all began to walk, not
through the Diplomatic Reception Room, but through the Rose Garden to the
walkway that led from the Mansion to the West Wing. We strode to the doorway of
the West Wing, but not to the president’s Oval Office. I found it strange that
the president would not go to his office. I learned later that LBJ had decided
not to use JFK’s office but for the time being to continue using his
vice-presidential suite in the Executive Office Building. That
is why we descended the stairs from the West Wing first floor to the basement
and through this underfloor to the exit at the West Basement. We walked across
the private street dividing the West Wing from the EOB and thence up the
elevator to the third floor vice-presidential office.”
“The vice-presidential office was a
three room suite and within minutes it was crowded. The president ensconced
himself in the large, high-ceilinged, fireplace room, comfortably but not
luxuriously furnished. Shortly before 7:00 P.M., I escorted Senator J.
William Fulbright, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and
Ambassador Averell Harriman into the office. I fidgeted outside, in the middle
of what would have appeared to be an objective onlooker to be a mélange of
confusion. No one of the Johnson aides, Marie Fehmer, his secretary; the late
Cliff Carter, his chief political agent; Bill Moyers, nor any of the rest, was
quite certain of what lay ahead. We were all busy on the phone and trying to
assemble what measure of office discipline we could construct.
Supervising all
of this was Walter Jenkins, the number one assistant to the president, a
privileged post no one in the Johnson entourage contested, nor chose
to. Jenkins, a mild and scholarly man, generous to his colleagues, full of
integrity, endlessly at work, sat in the background and, as usual, was on the
phone constantly with his notebook in front of him, transcribing conversations
as he talked in that swift Gregg shorthand he knew so well.” [9]
[BK Notes: Where are Jenkin’s notes
today? Are they at the LBJ Library or NARA?]
It is not known, or yet established,
whether the WHCA did anything to secure the telephones in the Vice Presidential
Suite (VPS) in the Executive Office Building (EOB), as they did at the Elms,
LBJ’s residence, or whether they used ordinary insecure commercial circuits,
but they certainly made a lot of phone calls while there. [10]
There was also another office in the
EOB that the WHCA did re-wire and connect, via radio, to Air Force One – and
that was the office of Gerald Behn, the head of the Secret Service White House
Detail. Behn, who ordinarily traveled with the President, did not go on the
Texas trip and was scheduled to take a vacation instead, but inexplicitly went
to his office that morning and ended up coordinating the Secret Service
post-assassination response from the phones and communicating with Air Force
One via a radio connection set up in his office. [11]
CHRONOLOGY of SIGNIFICANT EVENTS
6:30 (CST?) In Dallas,
Dallas Police Homicide Capt. Will Fritz, Secret Service Agent Forrest Sorrels
and Assistant Dallas District Attorneys Alexander and Allen conferred over
dinner at the Majestic Café, evaluating the evidence against Oswald, considered
the possibility of conspiracy and discussed what the charges against Oswald
should be. [12]
7:00 P.M - LBJ talked with
former President Harry Truman.
7:10 - LBJ conversed over the
phone with former President Dwight Eisenhower.
7: 20 – LBJ on the phone with
Sargent Shriver
7:25 – LBJ calls JE Hoover.
Orders full investigation and report.
7:30 - LBJ writes Caroline and
John John notes [13]
7:40 – Valenti: “At
about 7:40 the congressional leadership came to call. They were
ushered in. I sat quietly near the wall of the office, listening to the
president importing to them for their help and their counsel.” Shortly
after 8 PM, as Valenti puts it, “LBJ sat at his desk to have some soup. It
as his first food since his morning breakfast in Fort Worth.” [14]
[BK Notes: Also see LBJ official schedule from LBJ Library: JFKCountercoup2: LBJ 11/22/63]
[BK Notes: Also see LBJ official schedule from LBJ Library: JFKCountercoup2: LBJ 11/22/63]
6:45 McGeorge Bundy in EOB
6:50 Taxewell Shepard
6:55 Secretary Harriman and
Sen. Fulbright
7:05 f President Truman
7:10 t General Eisenhower
7:29 t sergeant Shriver
7:35 Mac Kilduff
7:36 Eating dinner in 274 EOB
7:40 Congressional delegation :
McCormick, Hale Boggs, Halleck, Albert, Mansfield, Dirksen, Humphrey, Smathers,
Kuchel, Morton
8:06 Mac Kilduff, George Reedy,
Bill Moyers
8:25 t Ted Sorenson
8:31 f Speaker McCormack
8:45 Kilduff
9:00 f Sen. Russell
9:06 t Justice Goldberg
9:10 t Dick McGuire
9:25 Depart
8212 EOB (for Elms)
[BK Notes: the above 4 page document created by LBJ's secretaries does not reflect any of the outgoing calls to Texas authorities we know were made by Cliff Carter between 8:30 and 9:30 PM, though the Kilduff reference might be regarding the subject of these calls - the charges against Oswald]
[BK Notes: the above 4 page document created by LBJ's secretaries does not reflect any of the outgoing calls to Texas authorities we know were made by Cliff Carter between 8:30 and 9:30 PM, though the Kilduff reference might be regarding the subject of these calls - the charges against Oswald]
The VP office in the EOB #274 is a
three room affair, with a fireplace in one room, televisions and a telephone in
each room. Beginning at around 8 PM, as LBJ sat down to his soup, he apparently
did so behind closed doors alone with Cliff Carter and Walter Jenkins, with
Valenti out of the picture, as Valenti “fidgeted around” outside for over an
hour until they emerged from LBJ’s office, their immediate mission, whatever it
was, complete. One of the things we know happened was Carter made calls
to Texas officials about a rumor that Oswald was going to be charged
as part of a Communist conspiracy.
10:00 (EST?) – Vincent Bugliosi
“No sooner than Fritz and
Alexander get back to City Hall from dinner than the telephone rings in the
Homicide and Robbery office of the Dallas Police headquarters and Alexander
takes the call. It’s Joe Goulden, a former reporter for the Dallas
Morning News who is now on the city desk of the Philadelphia Inquirer.”
“‘What’s going on down there? We’re not getting anything straight. It’s all garbled. Is Oswald going to be charged with killing the president?’ the reporter asks.”
“‘What’s going on down there? We’re not getting anything straight. It’s all garbled. Is Oswald going to be charged with killing the president?’ the reporter asks.”
“‘Yea, we’re getting ready to file
on the Communist son of a bitch,’ Alexander tells him. When Goulden asks
Alexander why he called Oswald a Communist, Alexander tells him about all the
Communist literature they found at Oswald’s Beckley address. ‘We have
the killer,’ Alexander says, ‘but we’re not sure what his connections are.’”
“Goulden wants to know exactly when
the charges will be filed against Oswald. ‘As soon as I can draw up the
complaint,’ Alexander replies. Goulden says his editor won’t print the part
about Oswald being a Communist for fear of a libel suit. The only way he’s
print that is if he could say it was part of the formal charge. Alexander, who
would later allow that, ‘I let my mouth overlook my ass,’ says sarcastically,
‘Well, how about if I charge him with being part of an international Communist conspiracy?
Could you run with that?’”
“He knew he couldn’t draw up a
complaint like that, but Alexander was itching to show Oswald for what he was,
a damn Communist. Goulden was more than eager to oblige.‘You got it!’ the
reporter says.” (879) END Bugliosi Quote. [15]
[BK Notes: Joe Goulden, then working
for the Philadelphia Inquirer, was a close personal friend and media
asset of David Atlee Phillips, the CIA officer responsible for the
monitoring of the Cuban Embassy in Mexico City. Goulden was also one of
those reporters who later floated the trial balloon story that Oswald was an
FBI informant.] [16]
8-9 PM – Sometime between 8
& 9 PM Cliff Carter, in the name of LBJ and the White House,
called Texas authorities, including Texas Attorney General Wagner
Carr and some Dallas officials. Since it is not mentioned by Valenti,
this must have been when LBJ was in his office with Jenkins and Carter for over
an hour, when Cliff Carter began to make a series of calls
to Texas officials, ordering them not to promote the idea of a
conspiracy.
Between 8 & 9 PM –
Waggoner Carr – Attorney Gen. of Texas, reported: “I received a
long-distance telephone call from Washington from someone in the
White House. I can’t for the life of me remember who it was. A rumor had been
heard here that there was going to be an allegation in the indictment against
Oswald connecting the assassination with an international conspiracy, and the
inquiry was made whether I had any knowledge of it, and I told him I had no
knowledge of it. As a matter of fact, I hadn’t been in Dallassince the
assassination and was not there at the time of the assassination. So the
request was made of me to contact Mr. [Henry] Wade to find out if the
allegation was in the indictment. I received the definite impression that the
concern of the caller was that because of the emotion or the high tension that
existed at the time that someone might thoughtlessly place the indictment in
such an allegation without having the proof of such a conspiracy. So I did call
Mr. Wade from my home, when I received the call, and he told me…that he had no
knowledge of anyone desiring to have that or planning to have that in the
indictment; that it would be surplusage, it was not necessary to allege it, and
that it would not be in there, but that he would double check it to be sure.
And then he called back, and – as I recall I did – and informed the White House
participant in the conversation of what Mr. Wade had said, and that was all of
it.” [17]
There are unsubstantiated reports
that the Oswald indictment was to read “in furtherance of an international
communist conspiracy,” and supporting the Phase One cover story that what
happened at Dealey Plaza was done at the behest of Castro and
foreign communist elements. It appears that LBJ decided that was a bad idea,
because he said it could lead to war, and instructs Cliff Carter to call Texas
officials and tell them not play up the idea of a conspiracy of any kind, Cuban
Communists or otherwise.
9 PM – LBJ calls Arthur
Goldberg
9:10 PM – In Dallas DPD
jail LHO is told he is to be charged with murder of Tippit. [18]
Bugliosi wrote (p. 177):
“Henry Wade is returning home
after dinner with his wife and some friends when he hears a report on the radio
that Oswald is going to be charged with being part of an international
Communist conspiracy to murder the president. Wade, the Dallas DA since 1951,
can barely believe his ears. There is no such law on the Texas books,
and anyone familiar with Texaslaw knows that if you allege anything in an
indictment, you have to burden of proving it.”
“Wade barely gets in the door when
the telephone rings. The caller is Wagner Carr, attorney general for the state
of Texas. He had just received a long-distance call from someone in the
White House who had heard a similar report. Carr wants to know if Wade has any
knowledge of it. Wade said he didn’t.
“‘You know,’ Carr says, ‘this is
going to create a hell of a bad situation if you allege that he’s part of a
Communist conspiracy. It’s going to affect international relations and a lot of
things with this country.’”
“‘I don’t know where the rumor got
started,’ Wade says, ‘but even if we could prove he was part of an
international conspiracy, I wouldn’t allege it because there’s no such charge
in Texas.’”
“Within a few minutes, Henry Wade
gets phone calls from his first assistant, Jim Bowie, and U.S. Attorney
Barefoot Sanders – both of whom have gotten very concerned calls
from Washington. Wade assures both of them that he will check into the
rumor.”
“Wade immediately decides to take
‘charge’ of he matter and goes down to the police department to make sure that
no such language appears in any complaint against Oswald. His man down there,
Bill Alexander, denies to Wade that he had anything to do with the rumor, not telling
Wade that his own lips had given birth do it.” [19]
According to Valente, “at 9:27
PM, the president came out of his office followed by Walter Jenkins and Cliff
Carter. He smiled at Marie Fehmer and then he motioned for me to come to him.
He put his arm around me and said, ‘Drive home with me, Jack. You can stay at
my house tonight and then we will have a chance to do some talking. Are you
ready to leave now?’ Well, I thought, I suppose I'm ready in view of the fact I
was not sure precisely why I was even here in the first place. [20]
TRIP TO THE ELMS & THE
MISSING HOUR & A HALF
In The Kennedy Detail (p.
256). Gerald Blaine writes, “Lyndon Johnson was now the President of
the United States, but the White House was still the residence of the
Kennedy family. Johnson would meet with his staff there as soon as he arrived,
but he couldn’t stay the night in the mansion. It wouldn’t be right. Johnson
decided he would stay at his home the Elms until Mrs. Kennedy had time to move
out, but this created yet another urgent and unprecedented situation for the
Secret Service. The Elms was located in an upscale neighborhood
called Spring Valley, in northwest Washington, D.C., and due to
the unusual circumstances, it required an immediate upgrade in security.” [21]
“Paul Rundle, the agent who’d come
from the Denver office prior to Blaine and Hill, was put in charge of
securing Johnson’s residence. There would be three perimeters of security. The
first, outer layer would be manned by the D.C. metropolitan police, the next perimeter
would manned by the National Guard, and the third and final layer of protection
would be the Secret Service agents from the presidential and vice presidential
details, supplemented by agents from nearby field offices.” [22]
Gerald Blaine, in The Kennedy
Detail (p. 261 – 262), wrote, “Afterward, the supervising agents
who had been on the Texas trip were requested to stay, and while the memories
were still fresh, type up their recollections of everything that had happened
that day. There would of course be an investigation and Rowley knew his men
would be at the center of it?” [23]
[BK Notes: See: Mary Ferrell
Archives for these reports ]
Blaine: “Agents Andy Berger, Sam
Sulliman, Dick Johnson, and Ernie Olsson went with President Johnson on Marine
One from Andrews Air Force Base to the White House and stayed with him as he
met with White House staff and key members of Congress at his offices at
the Executive Office Building. None of these Kennedy Detail
agents had ever been to Johnson’s residence before, so Rundle gave them a quick
tour. Every half hour the agents would rotate posts in a counterclockwise
direction, just as they did at the White House – with one major difference.
Tonight, along with the .38-caliber revolver each agent always carried, every
security post would be armed with a Thompson submachine gun.” [24]
So, from
the Executive Office Building next to the White House they
ostensibly went to the Elms, LBJ’s Spring Valley residence a five
minute drive away. I say ostensibly because they left the EOB in two cars two
minutes apart, but according to at least one report, LBJ didn’t arrive at the
Elms until over an hour and a half later, indicating they possibly went
somewhere else first.
In The Kennedy Detail, Gerald
Blaine wrote: “At 9:25 P.M. the afternoon shift traveled with
President Johnson to the Elms at 4040 Fifty-Second Street, just five
minutes from the White House, where Agent Paul Rundle was waiting to brief
them on the new security.”
An unofficial chronological timeline
however, indicates:
9:27 PM – LBJ leaves EOB for
Elms 4040 52nd St. (per Valenti)
10:40 PM – According to Vincent
Bugliosi, (Reclaiming History, p. 178), at 10:40 PM, LBJ had still not
arrived. “Horace Busby, LBJ’s longtime aide, speechwriter and confidant, is waiting
for President Johnson to arrive at Johnson’s home, the Elms, a large brick home
in the Spring Valley section of Washington…The Elms is being overrun
by Secret Service agents and telephone people installing new lines. After LBJ
arrives and has a meeting with his close aides, friends, and Mrs. Johnson he
retreats into the sunroom with Busby.”
10:59 – LBJ Arrives at Elms. SS
Agent Paul Rundle – briefs him on arrival.
If LBJ leaves the EOB at 9:27 PM and
doesn’t arrive at the Elms until 10:59 PM, that’s an hour and thirty-two minute
discrepancy in the record – for LBJ to drive the five minute trip across town.
It could be a mistake or a typo, but those times appear in more than one
record, and if it is in fact correct, then there’s quite a bit of time there in
which the whereabouts of the new President of the United States is
unknown. According to their exact timings of events, the Secret Service agents
left the EOB two minutes before LBJ and Valenti, Carter and Jenkins, but
according to two accounts, LBJ didn’t arrive there until over an hour and a
half later. [25]
“Listen,” Rundle said to his men
when they arrived at the Elms, apparently ahead of LBJ, “There are rumors
flying all over the place but the truth is, nobody knows what might have been
behind the assassination. They’ve got this guy Oswald in custody
in Dallas, and while he could easily just be a deranged sociopath, there’s
still the chance that he was part of a larger conspiracy. Could be Cuban,
Mafia, or some Soviet-backed plan to overthrow the government. It’s just too
early to know, but the orders we’ve been given are to be excessive in our
protective measures.”
Rundle vocally mentions “Cuban,
Mafia or some Soviet-backed plan to overthrow the government,” but doesn’t seem
to consider the possibility it was a domestic conspiracy, an inside job, a coup
d’etat.
Returning to the Elms (aka “Valley”)
was one of the items on the checklist of answers to questions that had been
asked over the Air Force One radio transmissions and is on the existing tapes,
as well as the order for the WHCA to disconnect the regular telephone lines at
the Elms and install secure circuits for the President.
Gerald Blaine, one of the Secret
Service agents assigned to secure the Elms that night, also mentions the
installation of secure telephone lines, but by the time LBJ got there, they had
somehow not yet finished the installation.
As recalled by Jack Valenti:
I fell in beside the president and
with Cliff Carter we marched down the hall of
the Executive Office Building flanked in front and rear by
Secret Service agents. Were emerged onto the street separating the West Wing
from the EOB and climbed into the big black limousine waiting for us, two
Secret Service men in the front seat. The rest of the agents piled into another
car in black and we headed towards the Elms, the large dwelling the Johnsons
had purchased from Mrs. Perle Mesta.
When we arrived at the circular
driveway at the entrance to the home it had all the appearance of a small
convention. A security post had been set up at the driveway approach and a
legion of agents was literally surrounding the house. When we stopped,
agents Ruffus Youngblood, the soft-talking southerner who had so
courageously flung his body over LBJ’s to protect him from whatever might be
assaulting him, spoke: “Mr. President, we have not had the time to really
arrange phone communications here. For the time being, we are operating over
your residence phones.”
Youngblood also vouchsafed the
totally unnecessary information that the phones were taking a helluva beating
from the incoming calls. An emergency phone had been put in to take care
of the Secret Service communications net and it would be several hours before
the presidential communication system could be set up at the Elms. The president
nodded, and climbed the step to his front door. He had left this home as one
man and he was returning very much another. [26]
[BK Notes: According to Blaine,
it was SS Agent Rundle who briefed LBJ on his arrival at the Elms, while
Valenti says they were met by Youngblood, who told him the secure phone lines
were not yet installed. That secure lines were not yet installed is hard to
believe since Bales, the WHCA agent in the motorcade was able to quickly
establish, in a matter of minutes, a number of secure and open lines to DC at
Parkland Hospital, yet after the secure lines were ordered installed in a
special communications patch from Air Force One at around 3 PM, they were still
not yet be working seven or eight hours later.] [27]
Vincent Bugliosi, in “Reclaiming
History” (p. 178) quotes LBJ, on his arrival at the Elms, as saying, “I guess I
am the only person in the United States who doesn’t know what
happened today.”
“When he hears of talk out
of Dallas about a possible Communist conspiracy being behind the
assassination, he says, ‘No, we must not have that. We must not start making
accusations without evidence.’” [28]
Valenti:
Mrs. Johnson embraced him warmly,
kissing him and hugging him. The president said, “Bird, I would like a bite to
eat and could you fix something for the rest?” Mrs. Johnson opened her arms as
if to collectively embrace us. “Darling, we have food in the dining room. Come
sit down and relax.”
First, though, the president wanted
to sit in the library. Mrs. Johnson brought him a large glass, cocked with ice
and orange juice and the president sprawled in the massive black chair in the
library. He sipped his orange juice, and then abruptly, though easily and
without apparent thought, lifted his glass to a picture of the late Speaker Sam
Rayburn, on the wall, the grim bulldog visage staring at us, the bald pate
looming above the stern countenance. “I salute you, Mr. Speaker, and how I wish
you were here now, when I need you.” The words were spoken softly. The
president was obviously moved by the spark of that moment.
By this time the house was beginning
to fill with Johnson people who came to see the new president. Horace Busby,
the scholarly Texan who for years was the chief wordsmith for the president,
gripped the edge of the president’s chair and began to talk to him in low
tones. Shortly, the president and all of us moved to the dining room where we
ate the first full meal most of us had had in a long time.
The time sped by.
About midnight, the president decided to go to bed. He beckoned to Cliff
Carter, Moyers and me and we climbed the stairs to the second-story bedrooms.
“Bill,” he said to Moyers and
Carter, “you and Cliff find a bedroom on the third floor. Put your things up
there and then come on down so we can talk.” They headed to the third floor and
the president took me by the arm. “You stay in this bedroom, Jack,” he said. We
went inside the bedroom. He sat down on the chair near the doorway.
“I suggest you call Mary Margret and
get some clothes sent up here for you. I also think you ought to get your
affairs in order in Houston so you can dispose of your business. I
want you to be on my staff at the White House. You can live with me here and at
the White House when we finally move there….
The president had clearly thought
this through and he was not giving me any alternative, even if I chose to
explore one. The president rose and I followed him to his bedroom at the end of
the hall. He got into his pajamas and lay on the vast bed, triggering the
television set into life by remote control. He sat half-upright on the left
side of the bed and motioned me to a chair at his side. We watched now the
unfolding drama on the TV set, the endlessly probing eye of the camera and
narrator’s voice recounting just who Lyndon Johnson was, his background, his
career, and there were speculative accounts by various commentators on how fit
a president he would be.
By this time Moyers and Carter had
come in, Carter sitting at the foot of the bed and Moyers sitting on the right
side. We watched in silence for some time.
I had picked up a notepad and was
doodling when the president began to speak, almost as if he were talking to
himself. He mused about what he ought to do and began to tick off people he
needed to see and meetings he should construct in the next several days. I
scribbled down the essence of what he was saying so I would have a clear view
of what he wanted, so it could be done without fret or delay. Within an hour I
had scrawled over thirty pages of that notebook. It became my direction-finder
the next several days as all the president had described was put into concrete
action.
[BK Notes: Is Valenti’s notepad
available from the LBJ Library or NARA?]
That night the president had what
might be called his first staff meeting. Bill Moyers, Cliff Carter, and I
listened more than we talked.
The president seemed relaxed,
stretched out on his bed, watching the bright glow of the TV set. He was
surrounded by men whom he trusted, and in whose persons he fully knew reposed
love and respect and enduring loyalty to him. Here in this bedroom was the man
the whole world was inspecting via television, and whose measure was begin
taken in every chancellery in every capital in the every country on all
continents. He had spent over thirty years in the political arena. He knew all
the tremors and soft spots and the unknowns that infested every cranny of the
political jungle. He could catalog a thousand good and bad qualities,
achievements, as well as errors made visible by those national leaders whom he
knew.
He was mindful of what lay ahead of
him, and this was evident. There was not what one would call eagerness to greet
the next day, but there was studied appraisal of the weights and scales into
which a hundred swift decisions must be fitted and he gave no outward sign that
he was anxious or worried or hesitant.
It was early morning when he finally
signaled he was ready to get some few hours sleep. Moyers, Carter, and I, still
gripped with an inflexible tension (at least I was) said our goodnights and
each took to our beds. I wandered to my bedroom and or an hour I lay awake,
trying to assess the capricious wind that had carried me so fast to so a
strange place….
END VALENTI [29]
It doesn’t appear that LBJ made many
or any phone calls from the Elms that night, and had apparently made all the
calls he had to make from the EOB. Besides the phone call from Cliff Carter to
the Dallas authorities, ensuring the wording of the assassin’s
indictment did not charge him with “the furtherance of a communist conspiracy,”
it is also reported that LBJ talked on the telephone with J. Edgar Hoover that
night. The conversation with Hoover, in which LBJ refers to what happened
at Dealey Plaza as a “shooting scrape,” probably occurred before
Carter’s phone calls to Texas, and it is known that the FBI had decided,
early on, that Oswald was to be the lone assassin.
As the details of Oswald’s past came
out through the media, and people came to find the left-wing Cuban Commie story
simply unbelievable, the alternative deranged lone nut scenario was adopted,
however unbelievable it too was for the general public to accept.
Caro, in the excerpt of this book
published in the New Yorker, neglects to mention that immediately after the
assassination, while still in Dallas, LBJ made one of his first phone calls to
his personal tax attorney J. Waddy Bullion.
As Russ Baker notes (in Family
of Secrets), besides having LBJ as a client, attorneys J. W. Bullion and Pat
Holloway also served as attorneys for John Crichton, an Army Reserve
Intelligence officer involved in Civil Defense activities related to emergency
preparedness for nuclear war, who also arranged for a translator immediately
for Marina Oswald, the alleged assassin’s wife. [30]
Peter Dale Scott, in his “The
Doomsday Project and Deep Events: JFK, Watergate, Iran-Contra, and 9/11,”
shows how Crichton was involved in not only the “Doomsday” emergency planning
with Army Reserves and Civil Defense, but also on the ground in Dallas
assisting in obtaining a translator for Marina and networking intelligence from
forty Dallas policeman who were also members of Crichton’s Army Reserve
Intelligence Unit. [31]
Among Crichton’s Army Intelligence
officers, Chief George Lumpkin was in the pilot car of the motorcade that
stopped at Houston and Elm and informed the traffic patrolman there,
as well as the Sixth Floor sniper leaning out the window sixty feet away, that
the motorcade was approaching. [32]
Capt. Gannaway, who identified
Oswald as being affiliated with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in one of the
earliest news wire report out of Dallas, was also in Crichton’s unit, as
well as Deputy Chief Stringfellow, who sent a cable directly to Fort
MacDill, Florida informing them of Oswald’s communist background and Cuban
connections. [33]
Other facets of the same intelligence
network were pushing the Phase One cover-story that Castro inspired Communist
conspiracy was behind what happened at Dealey Plaza, and a full scale
military attack on Cuba was one possible response to the
assassination.
[Scott: From a presentation made by
the author at the November 2011 COPA meeting in Dallas.The Asian-Pacific
Journal Vol 9, Issue 47 No 2, 21 November 2011. Original video
presentation is available and you can read the entire text with footnotes at
Dave
Ratcliff’s http://ratical.org/ratville/JFK/DoomsdayProject.html
- s6 ] [34]
Peter Dale Scott: A more ominous
provocation in 1963 was that of Army Intelligence, one unit of which
in Dallas did not simply withhold information about Lee Harvey
Oswald, but manufactured false intelligence that seemed designed to provoke
retaliation against Cuba. I call such provocations phase-one stories,
efforts to portray Oswald as a Communist conspirator (as opposed to the later
phase-two stories, also false, portraying him as a disgruntled loner). A
conspicuous example of such phase-one stories is a cable from the Fourth Army
Command in Texas, reporting a tip from a Dallas policeman who was also in an
Army Intelligence Reserve unit: Assistant Chief Don Stringfellow, Intelligence
Section, Dallas Police Department, notified 112th INTC [Intelligence]
Group, this Headquarters, that information obtained from Oswald revealed he had
defected to Cuba in 1959 and is a card-carrying member of Communist Party.”
This cable was sent on November 22
directly to the U.S. Strike Command at Fort MacDill in Florida,
the base poised for a possible retaliatory attack against Cuba.
The cable was not an isolated
aberration. It was supported by other false phase-one stories
from Dallas about Oswald’s alleged rifle, and specifically by
concatenated false translations of Marina Oswald’s testimony, to suggest that
Oswald’s rifle in Dallas was one he had owned in Russia.
These last false reports, apparently
unrelated, can also be traced to officer Don Stringfellow’s 488th Army
Intelligence Reserve unit. The interpreter who
first supplied the false translation of Marina’s words, Ilya Mamantov, was
selected by a Dallas oilman, Jack Crichton, and Deputy Dallas Police
Chief George Lumpkin. Crichton and Lumpkin were also the
Chief and the Deputy Chief of the 488th Army Intelligence Reserve unit. Crichton was also an extreme right-winger in the
community of Dallas oilmen: he was a trustee of the H.L. Hunt
Foundation, and a member of the American Friends of the Katanga Freedom
Fighters, a group organized to oppose Kennedy’s policies in the Congo.
We have to keep in mind that some of
the Joint Chiefs were furious that the 1962 Missile Crisis had not led to an
invasion of Cuba, and that, under new JCS Chairman Maxwell Taylor, the
Joint Chiefs, in May 1963, still believed “that US military
intervention in Cuba is necessary. ”This was
six months after Kennedy, to resolve the Missile Crisis in October 1962, had
given explicit (albeit highly qualified) assurances to Khrushchev, that
the United States would not invade Cuba.
This did not stop the J-5 of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (the JCS Directorate of
Plans and Policy) from producing a menu of “fabricated provocations to justify
military intervention.” (One proposed example of
“fabricated provocations” envisioned “using MIG type aircraft flown
by US pilots to…attack surface shipping or to attack US military.”)
The deceptions about Oswald coming
from Dallas were immediately post-assassination; thus they do not by
themselves establish that the assassination itself was a provocation-deception
plot. They do however reveal enough about the anti-Castro mindset of the
488th Army Intelligence Reserve unit in Dallas to confirm that it was
remarkably similar to that of the J-5 the preceding May – the mindset that
produced a menu of “fabricated provocations” to attack Cuba. (According to
Crichton there were “about a hundred men in [the 488th Reserve unit] and
about forty or fifty of them were from the Dallas Police Department.”)
Flashboard, America’s emergency
network in the 1980s, was the name in 1984-86 of the full-fledged Continuity of
Government (COG) emergency network which was secretly planned for twenty years,
at a cost of billions, by a team including Cheney and Rumsfeld. On 9/11 the
same network was activated anew by the two men who had planned it for so
many years.
But this Doomsday planning can be
traced back to 1963, when Jack Crichton, head of the 488th Army
Intelligence Reserve unit of Dallas, was part of it in his capacity as
chief of intelligence for Dallas Civil Defense, which worked out of
an underground Emergency Operating Center.
As Russ Baker reports, “Because it
was intended for ‘continuity of government’ operations during an attack, [the
Center] was fully equipped with communications equipment.” A
speech given at the dedication of the Center in 1961 supplies further details:
This Emergency Operating Center [in
Dallas] is part of the National Plan to link Federal, State and local
government agencies in a communications network from which rescue operations
can be directed in time of local or National emergency. It is a vital part of
the National, State, and local Operational Survival Plan.
Crichton, in other words, was also
part of what became known in the 1980s as the Doomsday Project, like James
McCord, Oliver North, Donald Rumsfeld, and Dick Cheney after him. But in 1988
its aim was significantly enlarged: no longer to prepare for an atomic attack,
but now to plan for the effective suspension of the American constitution in
the face of any emergency. This change in 1988
allowed COG to be implemented in 2001. By this time the Doomsday
Project had developed into what the Washington Post called “a shadow
government that evolved based on long-standing ‘continuity of operations plans.’” [34]
Two important things should be noted
– for one, Stringfellow is part of the Special Services Bureau, run by Capt.
Gannaway, who worked closely with the Secret Service in a project using news
film and photos of the Stevenson incident in order to identify the
perpetrators, possible threats to the president. Gannaway was also a US Army
Reserve officer who is quoted on the Air Force One radio tapes on wire service
news reports out of Dallas, identifying Oswald as the accused assassin and
associating him with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee.
In addition, Ian Griggs, in his
book, “No Case to Answer,” and Prof. Phil Melanson (in Third
Decade article “The Dallas Mosaic) report that the Special Services
Bureau, to which Lumpkin, Gannaway and Stringfellow were attached, did not
operate out of the regular Dallas Police Department headquarter offices at City
Hall, but instead had their own separate offices at the Dallas Fairgrounds Park,
where Crichton’s Civil Defense bunker is also located.
The Dallas Civil Defense bunker,
with its special communications equipment to handle any emergency, even nuclear
war, was located below the patio of the Dallas Health and Science Museum,
at the same Fairground Park.
Though it has yet to be established,
the Dallas Police Special Services Unit may have occupied the same building, or
at least one very near the Civil Defense command and control bunker that
contained the special communications equipment that could monitor all radio
communications.
Chief Lumpkin, in the lead pilot
car, whether intentionally or not, had informed the Sixth Floor Sniper of the
impending arrival of the motorcade when he conversed with the traffic patrolman
below the window. Other members of the same Army Reserve Unit within the
Special Services Unit of the Dallas Police would, within a few hours, identify
the assassin as being a FPCC Cuban Communist and send a report to the US Air
Force in Floridanotifying them of this, increasing the possibility of a
reactionary and violent response to the assassin’s Cuban connections.
And it appears the Dallas Special
Services Unit Headquarters and the special Dallas Civil Defense emergency
command and control bunker were both located at the Dallas StateFairgrounds Park,
possibly in the same or nearby buildings. [35]
1:35
AM DALLAS CITY HALL
Oswald is asleep and is awaken to be
formally arranged. In the presence of Capt. Frits, Chief Curry, Asst. Deputy
Chief M.W. Stevenson, D.A. Henry Wade, and Asst. DA Maurice Harrell, Oswald was
brought before Judge David Johnson and presented with Complaint # F-154.
“Well, I guess this is the trial,”
Oswald cracks, after having already been charged with the murder of Tippit.
“No sir,” Judge Johnson says, “I
have to arraign you on another offense.”
“Lee Harvey Oswald, hereinafter
styled Defendant, heretofore on or about the twenty-second day of November
1963, in the County of Dallas in the State of Texas,
did then and there unlawfully, voluntarily, and with malice aforethought kill
John F. Kennedy by shooting him with a gun against the peace and dignity of the
State.”
“Oh, that’s the deal, is it?” Oswald
said. “I don’t know what you’re talking about. I want Mr. John Abt of New
York. A-B-T,” he spells out.
The charge reads: “with malice
aforethought…against the peace and dignity of the State,” rather than “in
furtherance of an international communist conspiracy.” [36]
At the same time - Asst. DA
Alexander, Capt. Gannaway and Lt. Jack Revill of the Special Services Bureau
aren’t at Dallas City Hall or at the SSB HQ at
the Fairgrounds Park, but instead are still in pursuit of the “international
communist conspiracy.”
While Oswald was being arranged, in
the middle of the night, with a warrant signed by the same Judge Johnson, they
raid the home of Joe Molina, the credit manager of the School Book Depository,
known to be a card-carrying Communist and affiliated with Oswald as a
co-worker. [37]
Awakening Molina, his wife and four
adopted kids, they search the house for two hours and question him about his
affiliation with Oswald (“never talked to him”) and a radical subversive group
that Molina, a Navy vet belonged to - GI Forum.
NOCTURNAL INCIDENT AT THE ELMS
2:15 AM NOVEMBER 23,
1963 – The Elms backyard, Washington, D.C.
As Peter Dale Scott describes,
Archival History reflects what is part of the official historical record, while
Deep Politics is conducted, for the most part, behind closed doors, off the
official record and in person to person meetings of which there is little or no
documentation.
And while there is no official
record or documentation of LBJ, as the new president, actually talking in
person or over the telephone or radio with his military commanders, Secretary
of Defense or National Security advisors until after he arrives at Andrews, we
suspect that he did.
We also know that he did confer on a
number of occasions with J. Edgar Hover, who LBJ assigns the responsibility of
issuing a report on the assassination.
What some find quite odd is the fact
that the head of the FBI J. Edgar Hover at 5 PM, the end of the normal
working day, packed up his papers and left his office and went home.
At one time, LBJ lived adjacent to
J. E. Hoover and the two shared a common fence through which they built a gate
so they could visit each other without leaving the privacy of their property.
J. E. Hoover’s Residence: 4936 (formerly
4926) 30th Place NW DC
LBJ: 4921 30th Place
But at the time of the
assassination, that was not the case, as LBJ had since moved to the Elms
on 52nd Street.
It is quite clear from this incident that LBJ did have this opportunity to take an off the record visit to a friend after leaving the EOB and before arriving at the Elms, and discretely visit a neighbor while at the Elms, though those neighbors have yet to be positively
identified.
What I do think significant is the
fact that after LBJ put Valenti, Carter and Jenkins to bed, he went out for a
nocturnal stroll, and in the course of walking around outside his back yard, LBJ
bumped into Agent Blaine, who almost shot him with a Thompson submachine gun
when he approached from an unexpected direction.
(Blaine, Kennedy
Detail, p. 264-265): “2:15 A.M. Standing outside in the pitch-black
darkness, Agent Jerry Blaine tried desperately not to yawn. He was on post at
the rear corner of President Johnson’s large two-story French chateau-style
house close to the back door, and with the exception of the forty-five minute
nap in Austin and some catnaps on flights, it had now been nearly
sixty hours since he had any sleep. Blaine was almost to the point
where he was hallucinating. When he’d taken over from Andy Berger just before midnight,
the two had simply looked at each other without saying anything. What could be
said?”
“Blaine had been at this
particular post for about fifteen minutes when he suddenly heard the sound of
someone approaching from the clockwise direction. It wasn’t rotation time, and
he knew a Kennedy detail agent would never approach from that direction.
Instinctively Blaine picked up the Thompson submachine gun and
activated the bolt on top. The unmistakable sound was similar to racking a
shotgun. He firmly pushed the stock into his shoulder, ready to fire. He’s
expected the footsteps to retreat with the loud sound of the gun activating,
but they kept coming closer. Blaine’s heart pounded, his finger firmly on
the trigger. Let me see your fact, you bastard.”
“The next instant there was a face
to go with the footsteps. The new President of the United States, Lyndon
Baines Johnson, had just rounded the corner, and Blaine had the gun
pointed directly at the man’s chest. In the blackness of the night, Johnson’s
face went completely white. A split second later, Blaine would have
pulled the trigger.”
“President Johnson looked
at Blaine, said nothing, and turned around and went back into the house.
Jesus Christ! I almost shot the new president. What the hell was he coming
around the wrong way for?”
“With all the new security measures
put into place that night, in the chaos nobody had thought to inform the
President about the standard counterclockwise movement
protocol. Blaine struggled to regain his composure at the reality of
what had just happened washed over him. Fourteen hours after losing a
president, the nation had come chillingly close to losing another one.” [38]
Where was LBJ going at two in the
morning? Or was he returning from somewhere? Was he visiting his neighbors? Who
were his neighbors? And did he visit any of them on the night of the
assassination?
The machine gun incident
with Blaine at 2:15 A.M. should require answers to those
questions.
Blaine also thought it
significant, and when called to a special meeting in the office of Secret
Service Chief Rowley the next day, he thought he would be questioned about it.
Kennedy Detail (p. 285): “Jerry
Blaine had written down everything he could remember about the Saturday morning
incident with President Johnson at the Elms and had arrived early for the
meeting with Secret Service chief James Rowley.”
But when he got to the meeting, they
didn’t mention that and were concerned, instead, with the Tampa trip.
It was the records, the advance reports about the Tampa trip and
proposed trip to Chicago that was called off, that were intentionally
destroyed by the Secret Service after they were requested by the Assassinations
Records Review Board. [39]
As Blaine put it, “So this
wasn’t regarding the Johnson near incident after all. It was about Tampa. But
why was he so concerned about Tampa now?
Why were they so concerned
about Tampa now? Why were they so concerned that they had to destroy
the existing archival records?
CONCLUSIONS
In conclusion, while I started out
trying to pinpoint the time and place where the decision was made to forgo the
“Phase One” Cuban Commie Cover Story, I think I not only did that with some
degree of precision and certainty, I also discovered some other interesting and
important facts.
1) For one, although there is no
archival record of it, President Johnson, in the first hours of his presidency,
conferred closely with his national security and military advisors, while
aboard Air Force One.
2) Meanwhile, on the ground in
Dallas, members of the Dallas Police Special Services Unit (SSU), specifically,
Chief Lumpkin, Deputy Chief Stringfellow, Capt. Gannaway, all members of Jack
Crichton’s 488th US Army Reserve Intelligence Unit, along with Asst. DA
Alexander, actively promoted the Phase-One Cover Story that the assassination
was the result of a Cuban Communist conspiracy. It might also prove significant
that the HQ of the Dallas PD SSU was located at or near Crichton’s Civil
Defense bunker under the patio of the Dallas Health
and Science Museum at the Fairgrounds Park.
3) Third, upon his arrival at the
Vice President’s suite in the EOB in Washington, between 8 and 9 PM,
in closed consultation with Cliff Carter and Walter Jenkins, LBJ decided not to
go with the “Phase One” cover-story, a decision that Cliff Carter related to
the authorities in Dallas. In addition, other significant telephone calls
were also made at this time from this location.
4) Then, from 9:27 PM when
LBJ left the EOB, there is a large – hour and a half gap in the known
whereabouts of the president, until he arrived home at the Elms at 10:57
PM.
5) And finally, at 2:15
AM the next morning, SS agent Blaine encounters LBJ walking around
unescorted in the backyard of his home, presenting the possibility he was
visiting a neighbor, as he had previously done when J. E. Hoover lived nearby
at his previous residence.
The purpose of this article is to
establish the “Tipping Point” in the official change in cover-stories and that,
despite the fact that there are gaps in the archival records, those blank spaces
are significant, and it is possible to fill in those gaps and determine what
actually occurred. [40]
Notes (Incomplete - am working on updating this - BK)
[1] - Peter Dale Scott – “Phase I”
& “Phase II”
[2] – Air Force One Radio
transmission tapes; LBJ Library Tape (1978); Clifton/Raab Tape (2012).
[3] – What’s Not on the AF1 Radio
transmission tapes.
[4] – Cliff Carter/WH phone calls
to Texas officials. See Wagner Carr, et al.
[5] – LBJ at Andrews – White, T.H. “In
Search of History” (p.669)
[6] – Valenti, Jack – “A Very Human
President” (1973, p. 3)
[7] – Clinton, Bill – Review of
Caro.
[8] – Valenti, Jack – “A Very Human
President” (1973)
[9] – Valenti, Jack – “A Very Human
President” on Walter Jenkins
[10] – EOB Phone Records?
[11] – SS WHD Chief G. Behn’s office
phone records?
[12] – Capt. Fritz, SS, Asst. DA
Alexander, confer over dinner at Majestic Café.
[13] – LBJ Phone calls & notes
from EOB –
[14] – Valenti on LBJ at EOB
from 8PM – 9:30PM – The Tipping Point
[15] – Bugliosi, Vincent
– “Reclaiming History” (p. 169) Joe Goulden calls Alexander re: indictment
to read “Communist Conspiracy.”
[16] – Joe Goulden & DA Phillips
[17] – Wagner Carr gets call from WH
(EOB)
[18] – Warren Report
[19] – Bugliosi, V. “Reclaiming
History”
[20] – Valenti, J. “AVHP”
[21] – Blaine, Gerald “The
Kennedy Detail”
[22] – Blaine, G. “TKD” re: notes.
[23] – Blaine, G. “TKD” See: Mary
Ferrell Archives Link for these SS reports.
[24] – Blaine, G. “TKD” re: Missing
hour & half. 9:27PM-10:59 PM / JFK Assassination Timeline; /
Bugliosi, V. “Reclaiming History”
[25] – Blaine, G. “TKD” re: SS
Briefing
[26] – Valenti, J. “AVHP”
[27] – Blaine, G.
[28] – Bugliosi, V.
[29] – Valenti, Jack. “A Very
Human President”
[30] – Baker, Russ. “Family of
Secrets”
[31] – Scott, P.D. “The
Doomsday Project - & Deep Politics”
[32] – Lumpkin, pilot car motorcade.
[33] – Gannaway, Stringfellow &
DPD SSU & 488th AR
[34] – Scott, “The Doomsday Project”
[35] – Griggs, Ian, “No Case to
Answer”; Melanson, Phil, “The Third/Forth
Decade,” “Dallas Mosaic,” re: DPD SSU and Dallas Civil
Defense Bunker at the Dallas Health & Science Museum.
[36] – Bugliosi,
V.; “Reclaiming History,” re: Oswald indictment.
[37] – Bugliosi, V.; re: Raid of
Molina residence.
[38] – Blaine, G. “The Kennedy
Detail” (p. 265)
[39] – Blaine, G. re: Rowley
meeting over Tampa. SS advance reports missing.
p. 357
[40] – Conclusions.
No comments:
Post a Comment