G. Kinston Clark on the Critical Historian

G. Kinston Clark, in The Critical Historian, writes:

“The distortion produced by bias are potentially present in any attempt to write history. Sometimes the danger is obvious and menacing, sometimes it is covert, coming from unexpected angles and in not easily detected forms. ….Any interpretation which makes use of facts which can be shown to be false, or accepts as certainty true facts which are dubious, or does not take into account facts which are known, are at best, potentially misleading, and possibly grossly, and dangerously deceptive. ….It is the first task of the historian to review any narrative to find what links are missing altogether…where what is defective cannot be supplied by further research, it is an historian’s duty to draw attention to the fact so that men can know where they stand.…Any historical conception which has not been adjusted to the most recent results will cease to be satisfactory.” 

Oswald an important security "Espionage Case"

In an April 6, 1964 FBI memorandum regarding Special Agent Donald E. Moore, it is noted: “…he (Agent Moore) was censured on one occasion, that being on 12-13-63, when he was censured when it was detected that he shared in the over-all responsibility for the derelictions in connection with an official inquiry which had been made with respect to the investigation and supervision of an extremely important security case involving Lee Harvey Oswald. It was ascertained that there were shortcomings in the supervision of the matter in the Espionage-Research branch of the Domestic Intelligence Division. It was found that this investigation was not pursued with adequate intensity and thoroughness, a very important interview was improperly delayed and good judgment was not exercised in connection with the failure to include the name of the subject of this case on the Security index.” 

Lee Harvey Oswald---a U.S. Intelligence Agent

http://spot.acorn.net/JFKplace/09/fp.back_issues/07th_Issue/copa_lho.html

Lee Harvey Oswald---a U.S. Intelligence Agent: The Evidence

Presentation by Hal Verb

"Let me begin by first making a couple of quotations," Hal Verb began, adding that collecting quotations was something of a hobby for him. "There are two: 'We see what we see because we miss all the finer details,'...and 'There is only one thing that moves government on any level, and that is utter, stark fear.'" The first quotation was attributed to someone who was unintelligible on my tape recording, unfortunately---although Mr. Verb added that the man was the founder of general semantics. The second is by the late William Kunstler.

"I'm talking about the fear when they see the people mobilized, who have truth on their side, and then do something about it," Verb continued. "That's why I'm here [at COPA], and I hope that's why you're here."
Verb said, before getting to the body of his talk, that he did not know Lee Harvey Oswald, but Oswald knew of him, at least indirectly. Verb said in the early sixties, he---Verb---participated in distributing a Fair Play for Cuba Committee pamphlet, "Cuban Counter-revolutionaries in the United States," that Oswald ordered through the mail. Verb added that he used to write for The Militant and was a member and organizer of the New Jersey chapter of the FPCC.

"Many of the theories that are bandied about say that [Oswald] was an agent of the FBI or the CIA...but I say he was an agent of the ONI...Office of Naval Intelligence...Since the Marine Corps is under the jurisdiction of the U.S. Navy, and since his Marine Corps discharge was handled by the Navy, there's no way that you can have this discharge, and his conduct---before, during and after---unless the ONI started it."

This association of Oswald, however, with ONI, does not by any means prove or disprove that if there were a conspiracy in the murder of President Kennedy it follows that ONI is directly involved in that conspiracy. It can be argued, however, that a failure to completely uncover and thoroughly understand this Oswald-ONI relationship would, without doubt, prevent us from reaching any final conclusions as to the nature of the conspiracy: no other avenue of pursuit is possible unless this fact is recognized.

Why is ONI singled out rather than the traditional and usual "spy" agencies (such as the CIA or FBI) when Oswald's intelligence links are cited? ...The argument can be offered that drawing attention to such agencies as the CIA and FBI provides an exercise in futility where these agencies become mere "whipping boys" frustrating serious attempts to unravel the truth of Oswald's ONI association, in a real sense, then, a cover-up of a cover-up.

There are three distinct and substantive reasons to conclude that Oswald was an ONI agent. Of these three the first is logical and quite apparent and the other two relate to my own personal and direct experiences in tracking down, examining and analyzing the data in Oswald's short-lived career as an intelligence agent.
The first of these reasons is, in my view, an obvious one. I would cite here what the American philosopher Alfred Whitehead's observation that "it takes an unusual mind to see the obvious." What is "obvious" here applies to the necessary fact that while Oswald was in the Marine Corps if there were any questions arising during his tour of duty about his "conduct" during (and after) his Marine Corps service it would come automatically to the attention of the ONI. That is because [as noted] the Marine Corps is under the jurisdiction of the Navy Department. Oswald's "discharge" status, thus, involved ONI vis-a-vis the Marine Corps and US Navy branches.

The other two reasons involving my own experiences occurred in 1965 and 1966. The latter date I will cite here as it relates more directly to the first reason discussed above: Oswald's ONI links principally those immediately before his release from the Marine Corps.

In December 1966 I appeared on a radio interview program in Oakland, California together with Harold Weisberg, the noted author of many books on the JFK case. At the very end of the show a caller, who would not identify himself, phoned in and wanted to speak with Weisberg. By happenstance I was able to hear what the caller had to say. Some of what the caller discussed is mentioned in Weisberg's Oswald in New Orleans (p. 87) [p. 85 in the Canyon Books edition---Ed.] but not all...

"He [the caller] engaged in a recreational activity which I'm not going to mention, because it gives a clue as to who he is," Verb told his rapt COPA audience. "At least who I think he---who I've tracked down---think he is. In fact I tracked him down. I refused to give his name to any individual, and I finally gave his name to Harold Weisberg yesterday [October 21, 1995, presumably---Ed.] in a handwritten note. I did not want to put this in the form of a letter, or even mention his name. When Harold saw it, he said, 'That name seems familiar.' Now, I don't know what he's going to do with it. But, I have tracked this person down."

Essentially, the caller, who was stationed at El Toro Marine Corps base when Oswald was there, knew Oswald and was a barracks roommate of his. Oswald, he asserted, had a "crypto clearance" and during Oswald's remaining two weeks before receiving his "hardship" discharge was constantly in the base's "C.I.D." (Criminal Investigation Division) HQ being "briefed" for a "mission." As we all know, Oswald went to Russia [right after his discharge]. The caller maintained that Oswald was "set up with a specific discharge" and that the "crypto" work involved "black box" stuff. According to the caller, Oswald worked in decoding "IFF" (Identification of Friend of Foe) aircraft. The caller said there were about 180 individual assigned to the unit and five were classified. Thus, Oswald had to be one of these five.

"Now, the obvious implication is that Oswald was on a mission," Verb stated, "as an agent of the ONI. Now, like I say, I tracked down that person---and that's one of the reasons---that's my personal experience with showing that he is an agent."

In testimony before the ARRB (the presidential Assassination Records and Review Board) in Dallas, November 1994, I cited this particular 1966 call and urged the Board to review this matter and interview not only those in the CID but also the ONI as well. I pointed out that if Oswald were briefed by the CID it could not escape the notice and attention of the ONI. To date (July 1995) there is no indication or prospect that the ARRB has or will look into this but, at least, now it is a matter of historical record. [Note: The ARRB is not an investigative body---Ed.]

The second (personal) reason noted above deals with an event in 1965. A friend, knowing of my deep interest in the JFK case, gave me a record he found at a record store. This record, which I still own, is extremely rare (I've seen only one other copy) and was made around 1964. It is called The President's Assassin Speaks, and has Oswald's actual voice during a radio debate he had with Ed Butler (and others) in New Orleans, August 21, 1963. Produced by "Key Records" in Los Angeles, it is an anti-communist propaganda production of Dr. Billy James Hargis, founder and director of "The Christian Crusade." Naming Oswald as the assassin, the record strives mightily to link Owald with an (implied) communist conspiracy. If you listen to this record, the back of the record assures us, "you will be able to decide for yourself who gave the orders to Oswald to take the life of President Kennedy."

My interest in this record, however, was not the propaganda content but rather in a discovery I made of a "slip" Oswald made on that tape while defending his stay in Russia as a "defector." Oswald "slipped" and stated he "was under the protection of the American government," quickly recovering from his "slip" and then saying he was "not under" that protection.

"When I heard that record, I went ballistic. Of course, in those days you didn't use the term 'ballistic.' But I did go ballistic. I said, my God! The guy has slipped and made an admission---to me---which represents that he is representing the U.S. Government!..."So I immediately went to the [Warren Commission] volumes...and they left out the part where he says 'I was under the protection of---' and they leave in the 'I was not under the protection of.'

"I just spoke recently to John Newman and I said, 'You know, John, why did you publish in your book, Oswald and the CIA---I'm a stickler for details. I mean, I probably find errors in virtually all the books, it's just something I do because I want to get the record straight---I said, 'Why did you publish that?' And he said, 'Hal, I just didn't know about that.' Of course, he's learned about it. So, all he did was reprint what's in the volumes. But the volumes didn't get it straight. You start questioning, why didn't the volumes publish it? That's another story."

Forgetting for the moment [that] the Warren Commission "transcript" did not print Oswald's "slip," for myself, it again offered a clear and strong indication that Oswald was, indeed, a U.S. intelligence agent whose assignment was his stay in Russia. In summary for the three main reasons cited above the evidence is sufficient, compelling and substantive: Lee Harvey Oswald was a U.S. intelligence agent engaged in various activities at home (the U.S.) and abroad beginning with his Marine Corps discharge and ending with his death at the hands of Jack Ruby.

As to the final question of the nature of the conspiracy: Unravelling Oswald's intelligence connections provides the key. The answer or answers lie staring us in the face if only we would truly look! As the noted philiosopher Wittgenstein so well counseled us, "Look---and then think!"

Articles by Hal Verb

TheMysterious Deletions of the Warren Commission’s “Top Secret” Transcript of January 22, 1964

http://www.jfklancer.com/pdf/solved.pdfhttp://www.jfklancer.com/pdf/solved.pdf

PRISCILLA JOHNSON: Witness for the Prosecutionby Hal Verb Article originally appeared in The Third Decade, Volume 8, No. 2-3 (January-March, 1992).

http://www.jfk-info.com/verb-4.htm

Daughter says Frank Sinatra got mob boss to help JFK in election

Daughter says Frank Sinatra got mob boss to help JFK in election

Posted: Saturday, October 07, 2000

LOS ANGELES (AP) -- Frank Sinatra got Chicago mob boss Sam Giancana to help John F. Kennedy win the presidency, one of the singer's daughters claims in an upcoming "60 Minutes" interview.

Tina Sinatra said her father told her Joseph Kennedy, the president's father, asked the singer and actor to talk to the Mafia about securing the labor union vote in the crucial West Virginia primary in 1960. The CBS-TV "60 Minutes" interview will be broadcast Sunday.

"Dad was on an errand," Sinatra's 52-year-old daughter said.

After Sinatra's death in May 1998, FBI files on Sinatra included allegations of the entertainer's ties to organized crime, but FBI investigators never proved direct involvement with the Mafia.

Tina Sinatra told "60 Minutes" Giancana assured her father the request would be met."It's a couple of phone calls," she quoted Giancana as saying.

Kennedy defeated Hubert Humphrey in the West Virginia primary, which assured him the Democratic presidential nomination. He defeated Richard M. Nixon in the general election.

The interview coincides with the release next week of Tina Sinatra's book, "My Father's Daughter," by publisher Simon & Schuster, Inc.

An editorial on the Sinatra family Web site established by daughter Nancy also discusses the Kennedy-Sinatra-Mafia connection.

"Please keep in mind when reading or hearing stories about JFK, FS and Sam Giancana that it was Joseph Kennedy Sr. who approached Frank for help in contacting Sam Giancana because he knew Frank, like all others on the circuit, performed in night clubs owned by mob bosses," the editorial reads.

Tina Sinatra: Mob Ties Aided JFK

Legendary crooner Frank Sinatra served as a liaison between John F. Kennedy's 1960 campaign for president and mobster Sam Giancana in a scheme to use Mafia muscle to deliver union votes, Sinatra's daughter tells 60 Minutes.

The late singer's youngest daughter, Tina, also describes her father's final years and his work for the Central Intelligence Agency. The interview will be rebroadcast on Dec. 31.

Tina Sinatra, 52, says her father told her that Kennedy patriarch Joseph P. Kennedy wanted the Mafia's help in delivering the union vote in the 1960 West Virginia primary, in which John Kennedy, then a U.S. senator, faced Sen. Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota. The elder Kennedy asked Frank Sinatra to make a request to then-Chicago crime boss Sam Giancana.

Sinatra was approached "because (Kennedy) knew dad had access to Sam Giancana," Tina said.

"It would be in Jack Kennedy's best interest if his father did not make the contact directly…Dad was on an errand," she tells Correspondent Steve Kroft.

Giancana told Frank Sinatra he would do it, telling the singer, according to his daughter, "It's a couple of phone calls."

Soon after Kennedy won the tight race for president, the deal brokered by Sinatra came back to haunt him when the Kennedy administration cracked down on the Mafia — an effort led by Robert Kennedy, the president's brother and attorney general.

Tina says her father told her how he assuaged an angry Giancana.

"Sam was saying, 'That's not right. You know he owes me,' he meaning Joe Kennedy, and dad, I think, said, 'No, I owe you. I asked for the favor,'" recalls Tina.

To repay the favor, Tina says, Frank Sinatra "…went to Chicago and played in (Giancana's) club, the Villa Venice." Sinatra brought "Rat Packers" Sammy Davis, Jr. and Dean Martin with him and played two shows for eight straight nights.

Tina says her father also claimed to have served as a courier for the CIA.

"Because (he) controlled his own air travel … (the CIA) would ask him and many others with that capacity to courier a body — a living person, you know, not a corpse, but a diplomat — or … papers."

Sinatra never revealed who or what he was transporting.

"We asked him," says Tina. "He didn't (tell us)."

Sinatra's friendship with President Kennedy was well known, and allegations of his connections to the Mafia are not new.

Central to those rumors is Judith Exner, the Giancana and Sinatra girlfriend who has claimed she engaged in a long love affair with President Kennedy, which could have compromised the government's attack on the mob.

After the actor and entertainer died at age 82 in May, 1998 the FBI released nearly 1,300 pages of information it accumulated over 40 years of investigating the man known as "Old Blue Eyes" and "The Chairman of the Board."

The FBI probed allegations that Sinatra had bought his way out of the draft in World War II — he turned out to have had a perforated ear drum — and considered bugging his home, but didn't under orders from bureau head Edgar Hoover. The agents never found evidence of a crime in his mob connections.

The FBI also investigated supposed communist leanings on Sinatra's part, citing his appearance at union rallies and his progressive views on race.

For his part, Sinatra maintained in an exclusive CBS interview with Walter Cronkite that his mob connections were just part of being an entertainer.

"In theatrical work, in nightclub work, in concerts. So, wherever I might be. In restaurants, you meet all kinds of people, so that there's really not much to be said about that," Frank Sinatra said. "And I think the less the better."

Frank Sinatra kept performing late into his life, even as old age robbed him of his ability to sing and remember lyrics to his signature songs, and even as his daughter begged him to stop.

He told his daughter he had to keep singing to keep earning more money.

Dementia and physical illness made Frank Sinatra weak in his final years.

"The older he got, the more sickly he became, the less he enjoyed his life. None of us thought he would become that frail," Tina says. "It's funny how you delude yourself."

When he died, says Tina, "I think he was unhappy, I think he was tired and I think he was ready."

Col. Philip J. Corso and Sen. Kenneth Keating (Rep. NY)

Col. Philip J. Corso and Sen. Kenneth Keating (Rep. NY)

From “The Day After Roswell” by Col. Philip J. Corso (Pocket Books, 1997, with William J. Birnes) – A Former Pentagon Official Reveals the U.S. Government’s Shocking USO Cover-up.

As Chief of the Army’s Foreign Technology Division in 1961, Philip J. Corso stewarded the Roswell, New Mexico, alien artifacts in a reverse-engineering project that led to today’s : Integrated circuit chips, Fiber optics, Laser, Super-tenacity fibers and “seeded” the Roswell alien technology to giants of American industry.

Dedication: In memory of Lt.Gen. Arthur G. Trudeau,…chief of U.S. Army Reserch and Development…at Pork Chop Hill in Korea,…deeply religious and went on “retreats” at Loyola….His accomplishments changed the world for the better…

Chapter 17 Star Wars (p. 251)

TOWARD THE WPRING OF 1962, GENERAL TRUDEAU TOLD ME OF his intention to retire. He was not going to be the commander of U.S. Forces in Vietnam, he’d been told…A West Point graduate, he was born into a generation of military officers who had absolutely no doubts about what was right and what was wrong, and he marched through two wars and a series of commands, including the head of Army Intelligence, secure in the knowledge that he was on the right side…He had been at the helm of R&D for six years after having commanded Army Intelligence for three years before that. Although the general didn’t explicitly comment much on the incredible facts we had uncovered in the Roswell file because he considered it just part of his job, he did joke about it from time to time with his old friend Senator Strom Thurmond. More than once, I would take the back door into his inner office only to find Sen. Thurmond and General Trudeau sitting on his couch and looking me up and down as I walked in.

“Art,” Senator Thurmond would draw, barley hiding his Cheshire cat smile, “what spooky things you think old Phil’s been into?”…..

…As the summer of 1962 came to an end, ominous reports were circulating all though Washington concerning Soviet freighters making their way into Cuban waters. The traffic was intense, but there was no response from our intelligence people on what was happening. The CIA was completely mum, and the word making its way through the Pentagon was that we were getting slapped around by the Soviets and were going to sit still for it. Whatever it was, friends of mine in Army Intelligence were saying, the CIA was going to downplay it because the Kennedy administration didn’t want a confrontation with the Soviet Union.

What was it? I kept asking,...My answer came in a shocking series of photographs, unmistakable surveillance photographs, that were leaked to me by my friends in an office of Army Intelligence so deep inside the Pentagon and so secret that you weren’t even allowed to take notes inside the room. I was asked, by officers who may still be  alive and therefore shall go unnamed, to take a good look at the photographs they had developed from the spy planes over Cuba. They said, “Memorize these, Colonel, because nobody can make any copies here.” I couldn’t believe my eyes as I looked down at the glossies and then ran a magnifying glass over them just to make sure that I wasn’t seeing things. Nope, there they were, Soviet intermediate range ballistic missiles of the latest vintage. These babies could take out Washington in minutes, and yet there they were, sitting outside of hangers only a few miles from our marine base at Guantinamo Bay.

Had Gen. Curtis Lemay seen these photos, I had to ask myself? LeMay, a veteran of Korean bombing runs, should have been drooling over his desk at the prospect of bombing the hell out of Castro just for thinking he could even park ICBMs so close to US airspace. Yet no reaction from Washington at all. The army had nothing to say, the air force had nothing to say, and my navy friends were simply unresponsive. Somebody was putting the lid on this, and I was getting deeply worried. So I called one of my friends, New York Senator Kennedy Keating, and asked him what he knew.

“What do you mean missiles, Colonel Corson?” he asked. “What missile, where?”

It was October 1962.

“In Cuba, Senator,” I said. “They’re sitting in Cuba waiting to be deployed on launchers. Don’t you know?”

The truth was Senator Keating did not, nor did Representative Mike Feighan, whom I also called. Both legislators knew better than to ask me where I found the photos or who gave them to me, but before they did or said anything, they wanted to know why I believed them to be authentic?

“They come from our best resources,” I told them….

…Senator Keating asked whether I knew for sure that President Kennedy had been informed of the presence of the missiles, but I told him there was no way of knowing. Privately, I would have been shocked if intelligence sources had kept this information away from the President because there were so many intelligence pathways to the Oval Office the President would have found out no matter who tried to keep the information away. So it was pretty clear to me that the administration was trying to keep the news from the American people so that neither the Russians nor the Cubans would be embarrassed and have their backs against the wall.

I also knew that by going to Senator Keating and Representative Feighan I was taking a huge risk. I was leaking information outside the military and executive chains of command to the legislative branch. But, that same April, I had already testified to Senator Dirksen’s committee on the administration of the Internal Security Act that it was my belief- and I had proof to back it up – that our intelligence services, particularly the Board of Estimates, had been penetrated by the KGB and as a result we lost a war in Korea that we should have won. The testimony was regarded as classified and never released. But it made its way to Attorney General Robert Kennedy, who promised me, in a private interview at the Justice Department, that he would personally make sure his brother, the President, read it. Now…it was clear that unless somebody stopped them, the Russians were going to get away with it. Not on my watch.

President Kennedy had gone up to Hyannis Port, and the vice president, Lyndon Johnson, a friend of Ken Keating’s from his days as Senate majority leader, was completely out of the decision –making loop within the White House. The rumors were that because of his association with Bobby Baker, there was going to be an investigation of the vice president and he might (sic not) return as a member of the ticket in 1964. So Senator Keating didn’t recommend going to Lyndon Johnson with this information. Besides, we had to get it right in front of the public so it couldn’t be swept away, leaving the White House free to ignore it until it was too late to force the Soviet’s hand. This was a gamble, of course, because the whole world could explode in our faces, but I knew that the only way to deal with the Russians was put their noses in it and teach them a lesson. Had we done that in Korea the way MacArthur wanted to, there probably wouldn’t have been a Vietnam War.

One of my old friends in the Washington press corps was Paul Scott, the syndicated political columnist whose pieces appeared in the Boston Globe and the Washington Post. If we gave him the story, it would find its way into the Globe and the Post at the same time, right in the President’s face and forcing him to act. I didn’t enjoy this, but there was no other way. So Senator Keating, Mike Feighan, and I coordinated the strategy. I called Scott and told him I had seen some photos and had an interpretation he needed to hear…..

1978 Philadelphia Bulletin

1978 Philadelphia Bulletin 

Letters to the editor

Blood on history books

One of the members of the House of Representatives who is “wisely reconsidering” the funding of the House assassinations committee is Rep. Don Edwards (D. Calf.). He claims that it is “wrong, immoral and very likely illegal” for the House investigators to use electronic devices on witnesses and suspects (he calls them “citizens” suspected of lesser crimes.

The House of Representatives does not have the power to prosecute even if the committee identifies co-conspirators. If given the funds, however, the committee would have the power to find out some healthy truths concerning those murky affairs and give future generations a more accurate account of our history, even if we are not so terribly interested.

The committee should not give in to those who want to protect the image of already discredited institutions and agencies. Political interests should not control the direction of the investigation by limiting the budget.

If this committee does not answer all of the questions it is assigned to probe, you won’t be able to read through the blood on the history textbooks.

William E. Kelly, Jr.

Ocean City, N.J.

OpEd
Letters to the Editor

Los Angeles Tgimes

Friday, April 17, 192

Opening Files on Assassination

As an independent free-lance journalist in California to interview material witnesses to the assassination of President Kennedy that the official investigators failed to question, I take exception to Richard M. Mosk’s contention (“Distortions Will Continue No Matter What,” Commentary, April 6) that “few of those who so easily accept conspiracy theories have never bothered to review even the report.”

 When the Warren Report was issued in 1964, the 26 volumes of testimony and exhibits were only published at the insistence of congressional commissioners. Many thousands of students and independent researchers have not only read the report and “supporting evidence,” but continue to follow up on leads and information subsequently released and uncovered over the years. No, we don’t expect the files to contain ay “smoking gun.” But it is the principle of open archives in an open society that matters.

We do not need any government commission or report to tell us the truth. We know basically what happened in Dealey Plaza on November 22, 1963, and the obstruction of justice that has occurred.

The major distortions regarding the assassination stem from the inadequacy of the official investigations, all of which were compromised and ineffective.

Congressional legislation to release the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) files was first introduced in 1981, but never got out of committee because of the opposition from Louis Stokes and G. Robert Blakey, the third chairman and second chief counsel of the HSCA.

Although two other bills have been introduced in this Congress to release the J.F.K. files, Stokes and Blakey, with the assistance of Mosk and David Belin, have authored their own lengthy bill, the one referred to by Mosk.

So the individuals who have opposed the release of the files for so long have co-authored this bill that, if passed and approved by the President, will create yet another appointed commission to review the files and determine if the public has the right to see them in our lifetime

We don’t need any more commissions or lies, just open the Archives. 

William E. Kelly, Jr.

Co-founder Committee for an Open Archives (COA) 

LBJ on Oswald

Leo Janos – The Last Days of the President – (Atlantic Monthly, July 1973, Volume 232, No. 1, p. 39)

During coffee, the talk turned to President Kennedy, and Johnson expressed his belief that the assassination in Dallas had been part of a conspiracy. “I never believed that Oswald acted alone, although I can accept that he pulled the trigger.”

Johnson said that when he had taken office he found that “we had been operating a damned Murder Inc. in the Caribbean.” A year or so before Kennedy’s death a CIA-backed assassination team had been picked up in Havana. Johnson speculated that Dallas had been a retaliation for this thwarted attempt, although he couldn’t prove it.

“After the Warren Commission reported in, I asked Ramsey Clark [then Attorney General] to quietly look into the whole thing. Only two weeks later he reported back that he couldn’t find anything new.” Disgust tinged Johnson’s voice as the conversation came to an end. “I thought I had appointed Tom Clark’s son – I was wrong.”