Col. Philip J. Corso and Sen. Kenneth Keating (Rep.
NY )
From “The Day After Roswell” by Col. Philip J. Corso (Pocket
Books, 1997, with William J. Birnes) – A Former Pentagon Official Reveals the
U.S. Government’s Shocking USO Cover-up.
As Chief of the Army’s Foreign Technology Division in 1961,
Philip J. Corso stewarded the Roswell, New Mexico, alien artifacts in a
reverse-engineering project that led to today’s : Integrated circuit chips,
Fiber optics, Laser, Super-tenacity fibers and “seeded” the Roswell alien
technology to giants of American industry.
Dedication: In memory of Lt.Gen. Arthur G. Trudeau,…chief of
U.S. Army Reserch and Development…at Pork Chop Hill in Korea,…deeply religious
and went on “retreats” at Loyola….His accomplishments changed the world for the
better…
Chapter 17 Star Wars (p. 251)
TOWARD THE WPRING OF 1962, GENERAL TRUDEAU TOLD ME OF his
intention to retire. He was not going to be the commander of U.S. Forces in
Vietnam, he’d been told…A West Point graduate, he was born into a generation of
military officers who had absolutely no doubts about what was right and what
was wrong, and he marched through two wars and a series of commands, including
the head of Army Intelligence, secure in the knowledge that he was on the right
side…He had been at the helm of R&D for six years after having commanded
Army Intelligence for three years before that. Although the general didn’t
explicitly comment much on the incredible facts we had uncovered in the Roswell
file because he considered it just part of his job, he did joke about it from
time to time with his old friend Senator Strom Thurmond. More than once, I
would take the back door into his inner office only to find Sen. Thurmond and
General Trudeau sitting on his couch and looking me up and down as I walked in.
“Art,” Senator Thurmond would draw, barley hiding his
Cheshire cat smile, “what spooky things you think old Phil’s been into?”…..
…As the summer of 1962 came to an end, ominous reports were
circulating all though Washington
concerning Soviet freighters making their way into Cuban waters. The traffic
was intense, but there was no response from our intelligence people on what was
happening. The CIA was completely mum, and the word making its way through the
Pentagon was that we were getting slapped around by the Soviets and were going
to sit still for it. Whatever it was, friends of mine in Army Intelligence were
saying, the CIA was going to downplay it because the Kennedy administration
didn’t want a confrontation with the Soviet Union .
What was it? I kept asking,...My answer came in a shocking
series of photographs, unmistakable surveillance photographs, that were leaked
to me by my friends in an office of Army Intelligence so deep inside the
Pentagon and so secret that you weren’t even allowed to take notes inside the
room. I was asked, by officers who may still be alive and therefore shall go unnamed, to take
a good look at the photographs they had developed from the spy planes over Cuba .
They said, “Memorize these, Colonel, because nobody can make any copies here.”
I couldn’t believe my eyes as I looked down at the glossies and then ran a
magnifying glass over them just to make sure that I wasn’t seeing things. Nope,
there they were, Soviet intermediate range ballistic missiles of the latest
vintage. These babies could take out Washington
in minutes, and yet there they were, sitting outside of hangers only a few
miles from our marine base at Guantinamo
Bay .
Had Gen. Curtis Lemay seen these photos, I had to ask
myself? LeMay, a veteran of Korean bombing runs, should have been drooling over
his desk at the prospect of bombing the hell out of Castro just for thinking he
could even park ICBMs so close to US airspace. Yet no reaction from Washington
at all. The army had nothing to say, the air force had nothing to say, and my
navy friends were simply unresponsive. Somebody was putting the lid on this,
and I was getting deeply worried. So I called one of my friends, New York
Senator Kennedy Keating, and asked him what he knew.
“What do you mean missiles, Colonel Corson?” he asked. “What
missile, where?”
It was October 1962.
“In Cuba ,
Senator,” I said. “They’re sitting in Cuba
waiting to be deployed on launchers. Don’t you know?”
The truth was Senator Keating did not, nor did Representative
Mike Feighan, whom I also called. Both legislators knew better than to ask me
where I found the photos or who gave them to me, but before they did or said
anything, they wanted to know why I believed them to be authentic?
“They come from our best resources,” I told them….
…Senator Keating asked whether I knew for sure that
President Kennedy had been informed of the presence of the missiles, but I told
him there was no way of knowing. Privately, I would have been shocked if
intelligence sources had kept this information away from the President because
there were so many intelligence pathways to the Oval Office the President would
have found out no matter who tried to keep the information away. So it was
pretty clear to me that the administration was trying to keep the news from the
American people so that neither the Russians nor the Cubans would be
embarrassed and have their backs against the wall.
I also knew that by going to Senator Keating and
Representative Feighan I was taking a huge risk. I was leaking information
outside the military and executive chains of command to the legislative branch.
But, that same April, I had already testified to Senator Dirksen’s committee on
the administration of the Internal Security Act that it was my belief- and I
had proof to back it up – that our intelligence services, particularly the
Board of Estimates, had been penetrated by the KGB and as a result we lost a
war in Korea that we should have won. The testimony was regarded as classified
and never released. But it made its way to Attorney General Robert Kennedy, who
promised me, in a private interview at the Justice Department, that he would
personally make sure his brother, the President, read it. Now…it was clear that
unless somebody stopped them, the Russians were going to get away with it. Not
on my watch.
President Kennedy had gone up to Hyannis Port, and the vice
president, Lyndon Johnson, a friend of Ken Keating’s from his days as Senate
majority leader, was completely out of the decision –making loop within the
White House. The rumors were that because of his association with Bobby Baker,
there was going to be an investigation of the vice president and he might (sic
not) return as a member of the ticket in 1964. So Senator Keating didn’t recommend
going to Lyndon Johnson with this information. Besides, we had to get it right
in front of the public so it couldn’t be swept away, leaving the White House
free to ignore it until it was too late to force the Soviet’s hand. This was a
gamble, of course, because the whole world could explode in our faces, but I
knew that the only way to deal with the Russians was put their noses in it and
teach them a lesson. Had we done that in Korea
the way MacArthur wanted to, there probably wouldn’t have been a Vietnam War.
One of my old friends in the Washington
press corps was Paul Scott, the syndicated political columnist whose pieces
appeared in the Boston Globe and the Washington Post. If we gave him the story,
it would find its way into the Globe and the Post at the same time, right in
the President’s face and forcing him to act. I didn’t enjoy this, but there was
no other way. So Senator Keating, Mike Feighan, and I coordinated the strategy.
I called Scott and told him I had seen some photos and had an interpretation he
needed to hear…..
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