Col. Philip J. Corso and Sen. Kenneth
Keating (Rep. NY)
From “The Day After Roswell” by
Col. Philip J. Corso (Pocket Books, 1997, with William J. Birnes) –
A Former Pentagon Official Reveals the U.S. Government’s Shocking
USO Cover-up.
As Chief of the Army’s Foreign
Technology Division in 1961, Philip J. Corso stewarded the Roswell,
New Mexico, alien artifacts in a reverse-engineering project that led
to today’s : Integrated circuit chips, Fiber optics, Laser,
Super-tenacity fibers and “seeded” the Roswell alien technology
to giants of American industry.
Dedication: In memory of Lt.Gen. Arthur
G. Trudeau,…chief of U.S. Army Reserch and Development…at Pork
Chop Hill in Korea,…deeply religious and went on “retreats” at
Loyola….His accomplishments changed the world for the better…
Chapter 17 Star Wars (p. 251)
TOWARD THE WPRING OF 1962, GENERAL
TRUDEAU TOLD ME OF his intention to retire. He was not going to be
the commander of U.S. Forces in Vietnam, he’d been told…A West
Point graduate, he was born into a generation of military officers
who had absolutely no doubts about what was right and what was wrong,
and he marched through two wars and a series of commands, including
the head of Army Intelligence, secure in the knowledge that he was on
the right side…He had been at the helm of R&D for six years
after having commanded Army Intelligence for three years before that.
Although the general didn’t explicitly comment much on the
incredible facts we had uncovered in the Roswell file because he
considered it just part of his job, he did joke about it from time to
time with his old friend Senator Strom Thurmond. More than once, I
would take the back door into his inner office only to find Sen.
Thurmond and General Trudeau sitting on his couch and looking me up
and down as I walked in.
“Art,” Senator Thurmond would draw,
barley hiding his Cheshire cat smile, “what spooky things you think
old Phil’s been into?”…..
…As the summer of 1962 came to an
end, ominous reports were circulating all though Washington
concerning Soviet freighters making their way into Cuban waters. The
traffic was intense, but there was no response from our intelligence
people on what was happening. The CIA was completely mum, and the
word making its way through the Pentagon was that we were getting
slapped around by the Soviets and were going to sit still for it.
Whatever it was, friends of mine in Army Intelligence were saying,
the CIA was going to downplay it because the Kennedy administration
didn’t want a confrontation with the Soviet Union.
What was it? I kept asking,...My answer
came in a shocking series of photographs, unmistakable surveillance
photographs, that were leaked to me by my friends in an office of
Army Intelligence so deep inside the Pentagon and so secret that you
weren’t even allowed to take notes inside the room. I was asked, by
officers who may still be alive and therefore shall go unnamed, to
take a good look at the photographs they had developed from the spy
planes over Cuba. They said, “Memorize these, Colonel, because
nobody can make any copies here.” I couldn’t believe my eyes as I
looked down at the glossies and then ran a magnifying glass over them
just to make sure that I wasn’t seeing things. Nope, there they
were, Soviet intermediate range ballistic missiles of the latest
vintage. These babies could take out Washington in minutes, and yet
there they were, sitting outside of hangers only a few miles from our
marine base at Guantinamo Bay.
Had Gen. Curtis Lemay seen these
photos, I had to ask myself? LeMay, a veteran of Korean bombing runs,
should have been drooling over his desk at the prospect of bombing
the hell out of Castro just for thinking he could even park ICBMs so
close to US airspace. Yet no reaction from Washington at all. The
army had nothing to say, the air force had nothing to say, and my
navy friends were simply unresponsive. Somebody was putting the lid
on this, and I was getting deeply worried. So I called one of my
friends, New York Senator Kennedy Keating, and asked him what he
knew.
“What do you mean missiles, Colonel
Corson?” he asked. “What missile, where?”
It was October 1962.
“In Cuba, Senator,” I said.
“They’re sitting in Cuba waiting to be deployed on launchers.
Don’t you know?”
The truth was Senator Keating did not,
nor did Representative Mike Feighan, whom I also called. Both
legislators knew better than to ask me where I found the photos or
who gave them to me, but before they did or said anything, they
wanted to know why I believed them to be authentic?
“They come from our best resources,”
I told them….
…Senator Keating asked whether I knew
for sure that President Kennedy had been informed of the presence of
the missiles, but I told him there was no way of knowing. Privately,
I would have been shocked if intelligence sources had kept this
information away from the President because there were so many
intelligence pathways to the Oval Office the President would have
found out no matter who tried to keep the information away. So it was
pretty clear to me that the administration was trying to keep the
news from the American people so that neither the Russians nor the
Cubans would be embarrassed and have their backs against the wall.
I also knew that by going to Senator
Keating and Representative Feighan I was taking a huge risk. I was
leaking information outside the military and executive chains of
command to the legislative branch. But, that same April, I had
already testified to Senator Dirksen’s committee on the
administration of the Internal Security Act that it was my belief-
and I had proof to back it up – that our intelligence services,
particularly the Board of Estimates, had been penetrated by the KGB
and as a result we lost a war in Korea that we should have won. The
testimony was regarded as classified and never released. But it made
its way to Attorney General Robert Kennedy, who promised me, in a
private interview at the Justice Department, that he would personally
make sure his brother, the President, read it. Now…it was clear
that unless somebody stopped them, the Russians were going to get
away with it. Not on my watch.
President Kennedy had gone up to
Hyannis Port, and the vice president, Lyndon Johnson, a friend of Ken
Keating’s from his days as Senate majority leader, was completely
out of the decision –making loop within the White House. The rumors
were that because of his association with Bobby Baker, there was
going to be an investigation of the vice president and he might (sic
not) return as a member of the ticket in 1964. So Senator Keating
didn’t recommend going to Lyndon Johnson with this information.
Besides, we had to get it right in front of the public so it couldn’t
be swept away, leaving the White House free to ignore it until it was
too late to force the Soviet’s hand. This was a gamble, of course,
because the whole world could explode in our faces, but I knew that
the only way to deal with the Russians was put their noses in it and
teach them a lesson. Had we done that in Korea the way MacArthur
wanted to, there probably wouldn’t have been a Vietnam War.
One of my old friends in the Washington
press corps was Paul Scott, the syndicated political columnist whose
pieces appeared in the Boston Globe and the Washington Post. If we
gave him the story, it would find its way into the Globe and the Post
at the same time, right in the President’s face and forcing him to
act. I didn’t enjoy this, but there was no other way. So Senator
Keating, Mike Feighan, and I coordinated the strategy. I called Scott
and told him I had seen some photos and had an interpretation he
needed to hear…..
I read Corso's book, have not seen any convincing proof of his claims, as of yet.
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